2008.12.11凌晨3點多，強勢警力摸黑進入自由廣場，驅離睡夢中的圖博人和野草苺學生。
10點多圖博人到蒙藏委員會陳情儘快找回被送走的同胞，並要求負起照顧「藏胞」的責任。
11點後至下午，被驅離的圖博人陸續尋獲並送回自由廣場．．．
文字與影片引用自PeoPo公民新聞平台
2008-12-14
2008-12-11
[轉載]世界人權日剛過的凌晨 自由廣場和平抗議之學生與圖博人被強制驅離
作者 hialan ( ) 看板 action1106
標題 [記實] 野草苺驅離懶人包
時間 Thu Dec 11 07:14:52 2008
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這是事件發生時，網路上同步的轉播訊息。
為維護同學帳號的隱私，因此將發表文章的 ID 刪去，僅留下訊息時間。
推文者的 ID 僅留下開頭第一個字母以供分辨。
12/11 03:35:45 2008
【緊急通知】警方來抄場子！！
廣場上傳來的訊息，
警方目前來現場抄場子，
已經啟動大型拖吊車，預計凌晨四點會進行抄場。
主播組的主播已經準備live轉播，
負責拍攝DV的同學也趕往現場側錄。
http://zh-tw.justin.tv/action1106
連結為野草莓網路轉播平台，
希望有同學在網路上也可以幫忙側錄。
04:04
網路不穩，現場沒辦法好好轉播，以文字轉播：
目前警方已經舉了第四次牌，十分鐘前才舉第三次，
主播們被圍在外圈，而警方圍住了裡面的同學，
現場有警備車在，也有大型吊車要吊小屋。
→ F:在左邊牆前靜坐的圖博人被趕走了？ 推 12/11 04:05
→ t:是的！！！ 圖博人也被包圍 推12/11 04:06
→ F:國際大笑話，可恥的河蟹社會 推12/11 04:11
04:11
現在現場又來了四輛警備車，主播看不見的範圍似乎還有，
包圍範圍越來越大、警察越來越多，
目前圖博人有在喊自己的口號，
警察不讓主播群靠近，網路上也斷斷續續的，
因此teiko在家和現場主播連線，以文字轉述。
→ w:是有需要動用六台警備車嗎... 推 12/11 04:13
→ f:快打蘋果24小時爆料專線!!!!! 推 12/11 04:13
→ t:麻煩幫忙打！！！很緊急！！！ 推 12/11 04:14
04:14
目前圖博人已經被警方趕離小屋，就是我們野草莓借給他們的小屋。
據亞當主播轉述，現場目前警察非常多，
所以學生們完全看不到圖博人，完全被警方包圍。
04:16
現場來電
因為現在大部分記者都在睡覺或剛起床
有資源或管道聯絡到記者的
請幫忙聯絡記者
謝謝
→ f:我打去蘋果爆料專線 是答錄機 推 12/11 04:17
→ f:已經留言.. 推 12/11 04:18
04:19
目前兩台警備車將圖博人帶走，
學生們也一邊開始撤離物資，
現場有些同學、民眾前來聲援，
也呼籲方便的同學趕快集結到自由廣場。
→ t:我通知亞當了，他會通知同學！！ 推 12/11 04:22
→ w:我在淡水，無法過去 推 12/11 04:22
→ w:請照顧好自己 by醫療組 Q_Q 推 12/11 04:22
04:23
目前第三台車帶走了所有的圖博人，
警察以非常快的速度在清圖博人物資，
據亞當、神行主播粗估，警方至少來了250人！！！
04:26
目前警方照明燈已經打過來照到學生這一邊了，
神行主播說，警方人數太多了，學生完全無法抵抗，
目前學生的物資能撤的已經盡力在撤了，
主播組這邊也是，電腦已經背在身上了。
04:29
重機現在已經駛入廣場，楊子頡同學爬上了草莓塔，
預計警方下一波的對象就是學生了！！！
04:29
剛剛打到民視，跟總機有接通，也有告知他自由廣場上，警察約來了 250 人
他說，我幫你找找看有沒有人，然後我就被轉接了。
轉接以後沒有人接，就被語音掛斷。
再播過去，就是「現在是下班時間」。
04:32
請大家趕快在起重機前坐下，
或盡可能爬上塔！
我等著看這個政府敢不敢從學生身上壓過，
或者連人帶塔一起弄倒！
→ f:人購的話也可以躺在屋子裡 推 12/11 04:33
→ m:這樣會被抬走 推 12/11 04:33
→ f:S那就爬到塔上吧 推 12/11 04:34
04:35
現在警方已經包圍了部分學生，
警方全集結在圖博那一區，
主播小屋已經被包圍，
目前人力捍衛草莓塔，子詰在草莓塔前不下來。
幾乎所有學生都坐在廣場布條前，
目前還有部分人力盡力把設備撤走，
我們不確定目前設備還有多少沒撤，
因此目前只能撤走重要物資。
目前警方人力大約有三百人。
警方在放話威脅我們，不要逼他們舉牌，持續放話中。
所有的焦點在草莓塔上，因為強用會出人命，
揮舞旗幟的人被警方以蠻橫的方式搶走旗幟，
目前爆發第一波衝突，目前警方與昇佑起口角。
警方又開始圍人，他們將木屋區圍起來，
將有的東西都圍起來。
→ f:學生有多少人? 推 12/11 04:36
→ w:醫療組有人出發了，緊急徵求人力幫忙 推 12/11 04:37
04:39
請務必注意安全
我的看法是不必死守場子
反正新的基地已經差不多找好了
靜坐 被抬走 這樣就夠了
務必小心不要讓自己受傷
04:40
所有的學生坐下來。
李明璁老師來了，要勸子詰下來！
警方開始舉牌，拒絕我們提出異議書。
警方這裡超過我們十倍以上的人力，
警方舉牌了！！！他們舉牌的對象為李明璁老師和聲佑，
並用集遊法威脅我們。
之豪也趕到了！！
現在全場大喊異議書，這是我們唯一合法的手段。
重機開進來了，警方多到不像話，
主播台和草莓塔這塊區域整個都是警察，
整個將學生包圍。
04:41
我想現在的情況，很需要懂醫療的同學幫忙協助萬一有人受傷的處理，
目前醫療組有一位EMT-2在前往現場的路上，
想多徵求一些人力幫忙，以免有狀況發生。
如果在板上有看到的朋友，可以過去幫忙嗎？謝謝
我人遠在淡水，只能多打電話叫人起來了 (U)
醫療組同學
04:43
警備車現在開進來了，用輕浮的口吻說：火力全開！
完全就是濫權的一種方式。
後面一直有警察跟著神行主播！
→ F:快叫計程車，把警備車堵死！ 推 12/11 04:44
→ c:DV錄起來！ 推 12/11 04:45
04:47
現場決議，無論被警方丟在哪裡，
還會持續回來。
警力持續回來圍住草莓塔，子詰依然沒下來，
學生依然坐在草莓塔前。
警力又將草莓塔圍了一圈。
主播群目前是神行在外圈，主播群除了神行在外圈以外，
其餘人都在內圈。包括負責DV的同學。
他們再進行包圍。
04:50
動手了，重機在開始搬現場物資。
內圈在唱勞動者戰歌，第六次舉牌。
目前只有三十幾名學生在。
04:54
主播組有出人力用DV轉錄，也有拍紀錄片的waston大哥在內圈作記錄。
物資被第一車載走。
內圈在唱野草莓戰歌、we shall overcome。
以守護草莓塔的方式應對。
現在在乎喊口號了。
主播台這一區的物資被抄走了。
主播區的物資也被抄走了。
04:55
後方物資圈已經被警方進入了，
媒體區的大棚被拆走了。
05:03
關於記者，
這些日子一直追蹤我們的自由時報記者在現場。
我四點多打給她，她是這麼說的。
05:06
目前物資整個被退到馬路上了
封鎖了中山南路的車道
物資已經被推出去了
子詰還是不下來
帳棚以被拆掉
已經在拆第三頂帳棚
05:08
學生都還在，未上警備車。
警方對廣場學生舉牌兩次，但並未表明任何執法依據，
已開始清除現場物資。
05:09
現場的3.5G網卡沒辦法用，訊號全搜索不到，
徵wifly帳號，才能讓網路直播繼續。
帳號密碼請寄到我的信箱，謝謝！！！
→ F:3.5G已經被警方要求業者斷了。 推 12/11 05:10
註: 後來主播說明是現場技術問題。 Wenli 等人到場處理後，
也成功重新轉播。
→ t:對！！所以有沒有人可以支援wifly 推 12/11 05:10
→ c:http://0rz.tw/2c5g0 線上購買WiFly 推 12/11 05:12
→ d:已寄，請收信！ 推 12/11 05:13
→ S:斷訊號是跟對岸學的嗎!? 推 12/11 05:16
05:15
第三次舉牌了
所有的帳棚都被撤走了
現在在場的主播組只剩神行在外面
wenli到場了
想辦法再把現場恢復
05:15
目前現場有一位EMT-2，跟醫生，
如果有人要去現場協助醫療組，
請寄信給我，我會給予連絡電話
醫療組同學
→ w:目前現場有一位EMT2跟醫生 如果有人去 推 12/11 05:14
05:18
聊天室：苦勞網記者也已收到消息。
5:20
草莓塔被推走了
子詰下來了
人沒事
子詰自己下來了
剛剛有民眾來這裡鬧場
圖博那一群有一個人在這裡
然後說 圖博人被載走後被丟在哪裡完全不知道
沒有舉第四次排就開始抬人了
違反了執法程序
5:22
在抬人了！！！
直接被抬走了
Waston全程記錄 // 按: watson是一位記錄片工作者
主播組的同學也全程在記錄
警方非常粗暴
一位用相機記錄的同學被警察推倒
警察的態度很輕浮 臉上帶著笑容
我們攝影同學和江大哥在記錄
05:23
補充：圖博人被載走後完全不知丟到何處。（直接遣返乎？）
警方舉完第三次牌隨即開始抬學生。
動作極其粗暴。用相機記錄的同學被推倒。
（比1203樂生更狠。當天拍警察抽菸的同學只是被拍鏡頭）
5:23
action1106: 現在開始抬人
5:25
現在全部的同學躺在地上
警察用拖的一個一個拖走
主播組同學和江大哥有在作蒐證
警方在一邊狂笑
而且神行在現場確定沒有第四次舉牌
直接被拖走
永恩也被拖走了
→ w:Q_Q 推 12/11 05:26
05:26
不是用抬的，是用拖行的。
而且邊拖邊狂笑。
果然看準無人可奈他們何。
→ w:狂笑 -.-？ 推 12/11 05:30
→ F:對，條子們邊拖人邊狂笑。 推 12/11 05:30
→ j:誇張!! 推 12/11 05:30
5:26
現在網路已經快恢復了
永恩現在躺在地上
兩個女警用硬拖的方式被拖走
現在永恩完全躺在地上 兩個女警台不動他 //按: 永恩是一個小女孩
現在人只剩十個
Acechen也被拖走了
主播組只剩下亞當躺在地上
我現在聽到電話裡永恩的聲音
大喊集遊法為限
→ F:集遊法違憲。 推 12/11 05:28
5:27
現在躺在地上的有兩個
他們用硬台的把人抬走
有現場聲音
現在有聲音了
http://zh-tw.justin.tv/action1106
5:29
神行想辦法突破 但是很難進去
所以看不到
亞當被抬走了
5:30
現在現場剩下兩個人 因為手上拿著DV
所以警察不敢硬幹
現場只剩下他們兩個
他們硬幹
有錄下來
05:32
聽說警備車會去台大，
已經走了兩台警備車了，現在現場還有四台。
05:34
人最後一個被抬走了
現在警方又開始重新整隊
現在警備車開走了
5:35
找不到主播組攝影同學
5:36
與亞當連線走
在第二車
永恩也在車上
5:36
草莓塔被推走中
05:37
直播有畫面了
http://zh-tw.justin.tv/action1106
5:38
第一車在台大下車
靖媛在現場
第二車也是去台大
目前沒有人受傷
台灣大學(不是台大醫院)
靖媛在三車
三車位置在辛亥路和平路口
但是不確定會不會去台大
第三車據說不是在台大的地點
06:28
現場轉播：
現場似乎要開記者會，有很多學生回來了
有人說：野草莓比野火還難熄啊
→ c: update: 主播說：八點半記者會 推 12/11 06:31
06:35
主播：
兩台警備車出現在現場
總結一下
屋子不見了 帳篷不見了 現場凌亂
06:49
主播：
早餐到現場了…不過這是圖博人訂的
結果圖博人不在現場...早餐就只好由野草莓接下來... (沒有說要吃)
06:52
Nicole主播傳來消息：圖博人現在被帶到士林和南港。
現場同學正在吃早餐。
06:57
現場同學在看民視。
警備車和警察一直在。
[Twitter]twitter上的消息：圖博之友會買了早餐回到現場給學生補
充體力。
07:05
現場在進行台呼：抗議行政濫權 總統院長道歉 集遊法違憲 人權變
不見
======以下將直播的對話直接貼上=====
5:41 teiko: 大家看到廣場上的警察了嗎
5:41 qqreynold: 看到了
5:41 minyufan: 好多警察...
5:41 wineman_tw: teiko... 有聯絡上第三車ㄉ同學了嗎？@@
5:42 sunlineliu: 警察也太多了一點
5:42 minyufan: 到底想幹麼?殺死學生嗎??>"<
style="font-weight: bold;">5:42 teiko:不下警備車
5:42wineman_tw:teiko... 第三車在哪？ 5:43wineman_tw:幹...
還拿盾牌... 是要怎樣阿
5:43 nico1106:不下車 野是不合作的一種 5:44wineman_tw:一票警
察就算ㄌ... 還帶盾牌... 幹，鎮暴用ㄉ齊眉棍怎不一起帶阿
5:44 teiko:現在正在搬離東西
5:44 minyufan:我先生說 這麼多警察是學生做了什麼違法的事嗎
????聚集在那邊和平抗議為什麼需要動用這麼多警察??
5:44 wstarr:are thy waiting for their TANK??
5:44 visc10:I think they are trying to do anything possible
to destroy everything at the Square 5:44 teiko:他們要用將小
木屋直接用拖車拖走 5:44wstarr:yeah, where is their TANK??
5:45 wineman_tw:princesita... 因為台灣現在是警察國家阿... 別
ㄉ沒有，警察最多啦
5:45 qqreynold:消防車要幹嘛 5:45wstarr:oh, that is tow
truck!!!! 5:45betommy23:是天安門廣場吧
5:45 msjay:被載到台大的人
5:45 msjay:會回廣場嗎
5:45 wstarr:what is red truck??
5:45 msjay:現在廣場很需要人嗎
5:45 wstarr:hi wenli
5:45 betommy23:坦克要出來了嗎
5:45 minyufan:我真的不敢相信我看到的景象
5:45 wineman_tw:wenli... 要小心喔
5:45 qoopda:哇 消防水車耶
5:45 qqreynold:要噴水了嗎
5:45 yk32:這真是太優秀了 偉大的 馬囧
5:45 teiko:waston會趕去拍攝第二車的狀況
5:45 bebopthemultitude:我們的小屋應該經不起拖車拖著走
5:45 nico1106:嗚嗚~我們的主播小屋~~嗚嗚~~
5:45 teiko:小木屋似乎沒有很容易被帶走
5:45 lihlii:民党真有才，恢复了大
5:46 visc10:loks like an automated crane mounted on a truck
or something
5:46 donic830:嘉義中正 有看到 很順
5:46 wstarr:What the heck is police waiting for??
5:46 visc10:the view is a little blurry
5:46 wstarr:ARMY??
5:46 wstarr:Tank??
5:47 wstarr:this is conspiracy
5:47 visc10:according ti the anchor, those students who are
being forcibly evicted are reportedlytransported by the
police to the National Taiwan University
5:47 pisceslove:明天再集結 5:47minyufan:因為突然大動作在半夜
驅趕同學又驅趕圖博人一定有問題..
5:47 wstarr:government has been planning this!!!
5:48 letgoeggo:it all because 出席亞洲人權頒獎 馬又被嗆
5:48 wstarr:whre is Curly? 5:48wineman_tw:達賴喇嘛不行來...
幹，熊貓可以來
5:48 pipiyoyo:電視上不是說 另一個圍棋欽差大人要來台灣訪問嗎
所以就來趕人了
5:48 visc10:BUT THERE ARE PEOPLE AROUND THE WORLD ALWAYS
WATCHING THIS
5:48 msjay:遊行讓我們放鬆戒備
5:48 msjay:然後現在拆
5:48 nico1106:我不要拿沒花鹿和長鬃山羊換熊貓!!!
5:48 qqreynold:政府一點誠意都沒有嘛
5:49 teiko:我們的設備現在改用電腦附的鏡頭
5:49 wf4twn:deer, goat, and panda should stay where they
belong just like us.....
5:50 donic830:我覺得不是有誰要來台灣才這樣 而是有警官想拚升
官了 唉
5:50 qoopda:真好笑這樣就暴政喔?
5:50 pisceslove:第一次對警察這麼反感
5:50 quizasvera:都被拖走了，而且不是抬是拖，警察邊拖邊狂笑
5:50 teiko:亞當說＋現在二車在台大大門口集合 準備回到自由廣場
5:50 wstarr:do students have list of their equiptment?
5:50visc10:wstarr just ignore
5:51 pisceslove: 好個馬屁政府 5:52visc10:ALRIGHT STUDENTS
5:52quizasvera:有沒有人有認識的計程車行，跟一下警備車
5:52visc10:GO GO GO STUDENTS!!!!! 5:52visc10:COME ON
STUDENTS!!!! 5:52msjay:加油 5:52qoopda:pipiyoyo:不是耶 我只
是想請野草莓用暴力解決
5:52 minyufan:我們會去支援!!!!!!!!!>"< 5:52 qqreynold:我等一
下北上支援
5:52 wf4twn:野草莓加油!! 台灣加油!!
5:52 qoopda:pipiyoyo:暴力才能解決一切
5:53 quizasvera:我是說真的，現在可能會被丟到荒郊野外，有沒有
人有認識的計程車行，跟一下警備車
5:53 wstarr:Is it possible to follow the police cars??
5:53 wstarr:Is it possible to follow the police cars??
5:53 cd81:wstarr thanks for your translation
5:54 qoopda:野草莓快點拔起警察身上的槍 一個個槍斃她們吧
5:54 chitsaou:畫面中間偏右上閃燈的是警備車？
5:54 sunlineliu:在等學生回來吧
5:54 nico1106:因為他們知道學生會回來?
5:54 wf4twn:wann, they will be taken to NTU
5:54 wineman_tw:閃燈ㄉ應該是警用貨車之類ㄉ
5:54 nico1106:為什麼搬東西的不穿警察衣服?
5:54 cd81:可能請學生晚點在回到廣場 因為現在還有警備車
5:55 msjay:會不會是為了等學生回來再驅離
5:55 visc10:IF THE POLICE ASSAULT OR ROB THE PERSONAL
BELONGINGS FROM STUDENTS, CONSIDER INITIATING ALL LEGAL
PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE CORRUPT POLICE
5:55 qoopda:野草莓是俗辣嗎? 是不會用暴力是嗎?
5:56 msjay:會不會是為了等學生回來再驅離 否則幹嘛那麼多警備車
5:56 quizasvera:我剛剛打去電台廣播，但六點以後才有現場節目，被驅離是5:34
5:57 msjay:會不會是為了等學生回來再驅離 否則幹嘛那麼多警備車
5:57 nico1106:警察為什麼笑?很好玩嗎?有拍下來吧
5:57 teiko:有拍下來
5:57 dieyoru:原來法律是要在人權前面的?
5:57 chitsaou:六點開始通勤時間...佔住街道的會是警察呢還是野草莓...XD
5:57 teiko:靖媛和waston都有拍下來
5:57 chitsaou:要保護好帶子!!
5:57 teiko:會！！
5:58 qoopda:野草莓請學學泰國模式 請暴動起來
5:58 wstarr:Tell Watson to watch police carefully
5:58 msjay:會不會是為了等學生回來再驅離 否則幹嘛那麼多警備車
6:00 teiko:中天出來了！！！
===紀錄到此===
--
[記實] 半夜四點自由廣場驅離野草莓，早上六點警察見光快閃
※ 發信站: 批踢踢兔(ptt2.cc)
2008-12-09
[轉載]國際記者組織呼籲台灣警察停止壓制媒體以取得抗議的資訊
以下文章轉錄自雲程的雙魚鏡
國際記者組織新聞稿原文
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
國際記者組織呼籲台灣警察停止壓制媒體以取得抗議的資訊 ■IFJ（2008.11.19） 雲程譯
國際記者組織（IFJ）督促台灣的警政署（NPA）停止要求媒體從業人員提供近日遊行抗議者的資訊。根據本組織的會員台灣新聞記者協會（ATJ）的說明，台灣的警察要求媒體工作者提供參加旨在抗議11月6日馬英九總統與海協會會長陳雲林會面的「黃絲帶圍城」（Yellow Ribbon Siege）抗議者照片。抗議者據稱是受到民進黨的動員。
台灣記者協會說警察關切將對不提供資訊攝影記者的雇主施壓。
「警察的命令已經將記者推入險境」記協會長莊豐嘉 先生說。
11月18日警政署王卓鈞與莊豐嘉與數名記者開會解決此問題，但記協的要求被拒絕。
「記者的義務是報導真實，並保護其新聞來源。記者不應被迫成為代替政府蒐證的工具。警方如此干涉，將使獨立報導的自由蕩然無存。」IFJ亞太分部說。
「IFJ督促台灣的當局尊重新聞自由，並保障不危害新聞記者的尊嚴。所有媒體應捍衛新聞自由，並避免交出照片。」據報從11月起，警方對台灣媒體的施壓持續升高。一位獨立紀錄片工作者，當她在11月4日於飯店拍攝陳雲林時被警方拘禁。另外案件是，11月6日【原文為16日】的遊行中，一位電視記者在被誤認為抗議者而遭警方攻擊。
November 19, 2008
IFJ Call for Taiwan Police to Stop Pressuring Media for Protest Information
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) urges Taiwan 's National Police Agency (NPA) to stop asking media personnel for information about protesters at a recent public demonstration. According to the Association of Taiwan Journalists (ATJ), an IFJ affiliate, members of the Taiwan police have reportedly asked media workers to provide photographs of demonstrators who participated in the "Yellow Ribbon Siege" protest against a meeting between Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou and chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) Chen Yunlin on November 16. The protest was reportedly organised by the Democratic Progressive Political Party.
The ATJ said there were concerns that police would seek to pressure photojournalists who refused the request for information by approaching their employers.
"The police have put the reporters in grave danger by demanding that they rat on their interviewees," ATJ president Leon Chuang said.
On November 18, Leon Chuang and several reporters requested a meeting with NPA Director-General Wang Cho-chun to resolve the issue, but the request was declined.
"The duty of a journalist is to report the truth and to protect his or her sources. Journalists must not be compelled to act as agents to collect information on behalf of government authorities. Police interference of this kind places freedom of the independent press in jeopardy," IFJ Asia-Pacific said.
"The IFJ urges Taiwan 's authorities to respect press freedom and ensure that they do not compromise journalists' integrity. All media outlets are also urged to defend press freedom and refrain from handing over photographs."
Increasing police pressure on Taiwan 's media has been reported since early November. An independent documentary film-maker was detained by police while she was filming Chen in a hotel on November 4.. In a separate incident, a television reporter was assaulted by police who reportedly mistook him for a protester during the November 16 rally.
國際記者組織新聞稿原文
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
國際記者組織呼籲台灣警察停止壓制媒體以取得抗議的資訊 ■IFJ（2008.11.19） 雲程譯
國際記者組織（IFJ）督促台灣的警政署（NPA）停止要求媒體從業人員提供近日遊行抗議者的資訊。根據本組織的會員台灣新聞記者協會（ATJ）的說明，台灣的警察要求媒體工作者提供參加旨在抗議11月6日馬英九總統與海協會會長陳雲林會面的「黃絲帶圍城」（Yellow Ribbon Siege）抗議者照片。抗議者據稱是受到民進黨的動員。
台灣記者協會說警察關切將對不提供資訊攝影記者的雇主施壓。
「警察的命令已經將記者推入險境」記協會長莊豐嘉 先生說。
11月18日警政署王卓鈞與莊豐嘉與數名記者開會解決此問題，但記協的要求被拒絕。
「記者的義務是報導真實，並保護其新聞來源。記者不應被迫成為代替政府蒐證的工具。警方如此干涉，將使獨立報導的自由蕩然無存。」IFJ亞太分部說。
「IFJ督促台灣的當局尊重新聞自由，並保障不危害新聞記者的尊嚴。所有媒體應捍衛新聞自由，並避免交出照片。」據報從11月起，警方對台灣媒體的施壓持續升高。一位獨立紀錄片工作者，當她在11月4日於飯店拍攝陳雲林時被警方拘禁。另外案件是，11月6日【原文為16日】的遊行中，一位電視記者在被誤認為抗議者而遭警方攻擊。
November 19, 2008
IFJ Call for Taiwan Police to Stop Pressuring Media for Protest Information
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) urges Taiwan 's National Police Agency (NPA) to stop asking media personnel for information about protesters at a recent public demonstration. According to the Association of Taiwan Journalists (ATJ), an IFJ affiliate, members of the Taiwan police have reportedly asked media workers to provide photographs of demonstrators who participated in the "Yellow Ribbon Siege" protest against a meeting between Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou and chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) Chen Yunlin on November 16. The protest was reportedly organised by the Democratic Progressive Political Party.
The ATJ said there were concerns that police would seek to pressure photojournalists who refused the request for information by approaching their employers.
"The police have put the reporters in grave danger by demanding that they rat on their interviewees," ATJ president Leon Chuang said.
On November 18, Leon Chuang and several reporters requested a meeting with NPA Director-General Wang Cho-chun to resolve the issue, but the request was declined.
"The duty of a journalist is to report the truth and to protect his or her sources. Journalists must not be compelled to act as agents to collect information on behalf of government authorities. Police interference of this kind places freedom of the independent press in jeopardy," IFJ Asia-Pacific said.
"The IFJ urges Taiwan 's authorities to respect press freedom and ensure that they do not compromise journalists' integrity. All media outlets are also urged to defend press freedom and refrain from handing over photographs."
Increasing police pressure on Taiwan 's media has been reported since early November. An independent documentary film-maker was detained by police while she was filming Chen in a hotel on November 4.. In a separate incident, a television reporter was assaulted by police who reportedly mistook him for a protester during the November 16 rally.
[轉載]無疆界記者組織對台灣提出指責
原文轉錄自打狗旅行社法國辦事處
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總部在巴黎的「無彊界記者組織」今日(2008/11/11)對台灣提出指責，表示在陳雲林訪台期間，台灣對記者身份欠缺應有的尊重；該新聞不知原是以何種語言所著，因為中文部份(簡體字)與英法二版語氣差距頗大，所以我把法文、英文並列，並從法文再譯一遍中文(正體字)；至於該報導細節是不是實情？我沒追新聞，無法得知，知道的請在底下留言告知；另外，原報導無圖片。
台灣是「無彊界記者組織」的金主之一，網頁上有「这个网站能完成多亏财团法人台湾民主基金会的协助」字樣，這個基金會(連結)係由台灣外交部主導，董事長、副董事長是王金平、歐鴻練，中國研究學者林文程任執行長。雖然台灣人也有中文能力，甚至模仿中式中文書寫也無礙，但從該組織(連結)中文網頁用字判斷，翻譯人員是中國人，比如：首都、獨立這種字都被忽略掉了，不過還是保留了馬英九自棄的「總統」一詞。
「無彊界記者組織」並不是百分百的人權組織，它應該是某職業的人權組織，如果記者是侵犯人權的工具，該組織一定也會站在這些爪牙的那一邊；總之，所有台灣人請各自找個門路弄個記者證吧，至少被警察任意押上車，都會有人幫您的人權講話，而不像現在這樣被打假的。
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Une dizaine de journalistes blessés lors de manifestations de l’opposition
More than 10 journalistsinjured during opposition protests against Chinese visit
十几名记者在反对党组织的游行中受伤
十來位記者在反對派的抗議活動過程中受傷
內文：
Reporters sans frontières déplore les violences qui ont touché des journalistes en marge de la visite d’un représentant du gouvernement de Pékin dans l’île. L’organisation regrette également que des policiers aient interpellé une journaliste qui ne faisait que filmer des manifestations.
Reporters Without Bordersdeplores the violence against journalists in Taipei in the course of protestsagainst a visit by a Chinese government representative during the past fewdays. It also regrets that the police arrested a journalist who was justfilming the protests.
北京方面一位政府代表访台期间，若干记者遭到暴力虐待，无国界记者对此深表遗憾。另外，一名记者摄制游行示威却遭到警方传唤，无国界记者对该事件表示不满。
北京方面一位政府代表訪該島期間，若干記者為暴力所波及，無彊界記者對此深表遺憾。另外，一名記者只是拍攝示威，卻遭警方盤查，組織也對該事件表示不滿。
"Les militants del’opposition ont le droit de manifester, mais il est lamentable qu’ils lefassent avec une telle violence et sans aucun souci pour la sécurité desjournalistes. Les relations entre la Chine et Taiwan est un sujet trèscontroversé, mais la presse doit pouvoir en parler sans être la cible deviolences ou de pressions", a affirmé l’organisation.
"Oppositionactivists have the right to demonstrate, but it is regrettable that they did sowith such violence and with no thought for the safety of journalists,"Reporters Without Borders said. "Relations between China and Taiwan are very controversial,but the media have a right to talk about them without being the target ofviolence or pressure."
无国界记者表示，“支持反对党的积极分子有权游行，然而，不顾记者安全，并使用用暴力的做法让人愤慨。虽然大陆和台湾之间的问题十分敏感，但是，媒体有权对此作出报道，而不应该成为暴力镇压的对象。” （註：該譯文會誤導讀者以為暴力是針對記者而來，與英法文意不同）
無彊界記者表示：「反對份子有權利抗議，然而，以如此暴力的方式而不顧及記者安危的做法讓人憤慨。雖然中國與台灣之間的關係是一個非常爭議的主題，但是，媒體有權在不成為暴力或壓力的目標下，對此進行報導。」
Le 6 novembre 2008, au moins dixjournalistes ont été blessés lors de manifestations organisées par despartisans de l’opposition en marge de la rencontre à Taipei entre le présidentde l’Association pour les relations dans le détroit de Taiwan (affiliée augouvernement chinois), Chen Yunlin, et le président taiwanais, Ma Ying-jeou. Parexemple, une journaliste a été blessée par un projectile lancé par unmanifestant. Tandis que Yang Sun-ren, cameraman d’ETTV, a été touché par unepierre. Un autre journaliste de la chaîne FTV aurait été blessé par unpolicier.
Atleast 10 journalists were injured during protests on 6 November by supportersof the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) against the meeting in Taipeibetween President Ma Ying-jeou and Chen Yunlin, the president of the Chinesegovernment-backed Association for Relations in the Taiwan Straits, which led toclashes between DPP supporters and police. Those injured included a womanjournalist who was hit by an object thrown by a demonstrator, ETTV cameramanYang Sun-ren, who was hit by a stone, and an FTV journalist who was injured bya policeman.
2008年11月6日，在台北举行的海峡两岸关系协会 （隶属中国大陆政府）会长陈云林和台湾总统马英九会见期间，反对党支持者组织游行，民进党的积极分子和警方发生冲突。游行中至少十名记者受伤，例如，一名记者被示威者投掷的硬物所伤，ETTV摄像师杨孙仁遭石块袭击，FTV一名记者被警察所伤。
2008年11月6日，在台北舉行的台灣海峽關係協會(隸屬於中國政府)會長陳雲林與台灣總統馬英九會面期間，至少有十位記者在反對黨支持者所組織的活動中受傷。例如，一名女記者被一名示威者的投擲物所傷，而東森電視的攝影師楊孫仁被一顆石頭打中，另一名民視記者則應是為警察所傷。（註：法文使用婉轉口氣，但實情無疑是被警察所傷。）
Le 5 novembre dans la soirée, uneprésentatrice de la télévision chinoise CCTV, Chai Lu, a quant à elle étéagressée devant un hôtel par des opposants. Elle a été protégée par despoliciers arrivés sur les lieux dix minutes plus tard. Le même soir et au mêmeendroit, un reporter de la chaîne Phoenix TV, basée à Hong Kong, a été malmenépar des partisans de l’indépendance.
ChaiLu, a presenter for the Chinese state television station CCTV, was attacked bygovernment opponents on the evening of 5 November outside a hotel, receivingprotection from police who arrived 10 minutes later. A reporter for HongKong-based Phoenix TV was manhandled later the same evening in the same placeby Taiwanese independence supporters.
11月5日晚，中国CCTV女主播柴璐在酒店前遭到反对者袭击，十分钟后到达的警察对其实施保护措施。同晚在同一地点，一名香港凤凰电视台的记者也有过类似的遭遇。
11月5日晚，中國中央電視台主播柴璐在旅館前遭到一些反對者攻擊，十分鐘後才由到達現場的警察施以保護。同晚在同一地點，一名香港鳳凰電視台的記者也遭到獨派份子粗暴對待。（註：這是實情或言過其實？）
Le 4 novembre, des policiers ontinterpellé et agressé la réalisatrice de documentaires Chen Yu-ching, alorsqu’elle se trouvait devant l’hôtel où résidait le représentant de Pékin. Lespoliciers l’ont détenue pendant une heure après qu’elle a refusé de leurprésenter son accréditation.
Documentaryfilmmaker Chen Yu-ching was detained and roughed up by police on 4 Novemberwhile she was outside the hotel where the Chinese government representative wasstaying. Thepolice held her for an hour after she refused to show her press accreditation.
11月4日，纪录片导演陈玉清在北京方面代表下榻的宾馆前被警察传唤并遭到虐待。陈玉清拒绝出示特派记者证件而被警方扣押了一个小时。
11月4日，紀錄片導演陳育青在北京方面代表下榻的旅館前被警察盤查並遭到攻擊。她拒絕出示記者證後，遭警方扣押了一個小時。
Le 2 novembre, un caméraman de laCentral News Agency a été malmené par des agents de sécurité, alors qu’ilcouvrait une cérémonie en l’honneur du représentant chinois dans la capitale.
ACentral News Agency cameraman was manhandled by security guards on 2 Novemberwhile covering a ceremony in honour of Chen Yunlin in Taipei.
11月2日，一名新闻中心的摄像师拍摄在为北京方面代表举行的欢迎仪式时遭到保安人员的无理对待。
11月2日，在首都，一名中央新聞社的攝影師拍攝在為中國代表舉行的歡迎儀式時，遭到保安人員粗暴對待。
Par ailleurs, certains médiastaiwanais se sont plaints d’avoir été écartés pour des "raisons desécurité" des entretiens entre le président et M. Chen, alors que desjournalistes venus du continent ont bénéficié d’un accès plus facile.
SomeTaiwanese media complained that they were excluded from meetings between Chenand the president, while mainland Chinese journalists had much better access.
另外，一些台湾媒体抱怨由于总统马英九和陈云林会面的“安全原因”而被禁止靠近，而大陆记者却可以畅行无阻。
另外，一些台灣媒體抱怨由於總統和陳先生會談的「安全原因」而被區隔，然而大陸而來的記者卻享有更容易接近的便利。
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總部在巴黎的「無彊界記者組織」今日(2008/11/11)對台灣提出指責，表示在陳雲林訪台期間，台灣對記者身份欠缺應有的尊重；該新聞不知原是以何種語言所著，因為中文部份(簡體字)與英法二版語氣差距頗大，所以我把法文、英文並列，並從法文再譯一遍中文(正體字)；至於該報導細節是不是實情？我沒追新聞，無法得知，知道的請在底下留言告知；另外，原報導無圖片。
台灣是「無彊界記者組織」的金主之一，網頁上有「这个网站能完成多亏财团法人台湾民主基金会的协助」字樣，這個基金會(連結)係由台灣外交部主導，董事長、副董事長是王金平、歐鴻練，中國研究學者林文程任執行長。雖然台灣人也有中文能力，甚至模仿中式中文書寫也無礙，但從該組織(連結)中文網頁用字判斷，翻譯人員是中國人，比如：首都、獨立這種字都被忽略掉了，不過還是保留了馬英九自棄的「總統」一詞。
「無彊界記者組織」並不是百分百的人權組織，它應該是某職業的人權組織，如果記者是侵犯人權的工具，該組織一定也會站在這些爪牙的那一邊；總之，所有台灣人請各自找個門路弄個記者證吧，至少被警察任意押上車，都會有人幫您的人權講話，而不像現在這樣被打假的。
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Une dizaine de journalistes blessés lors de manifestations de l’opposition
More than 10 journalistsinjured during opposition protests against Chinese visit
十几名记者在反对党组织的游行中受伤
十來位記者在反對派的抗議活動過程中受傷
內文：
Reporters sans frontières déplore les violences qui ont touché des journalistes en marge de la visite d’un représentant du gouvernement de Pékin dans l’île. L’organisation regrette également que des policiers aient interpellé une journaliste qui ne faisait que filmer des manifestations.
Reporters Without Bordersdeplores the violence against journalists in Taipei in the course of protestsagainst a visit by a Chinese government representative during the past fewdays. It also regrets that the police arrested a journalist who was justfilming the protests.
北京方面一位政府代表访台期间，若干记者遭到暴力虐待，无国界记者对此深表遗憾。另外，一名记者摄制游行示威却遭到警方传唤，无国界记者对该事件表示不满。
北京方面一位政府代表訪該島期間，若干記者為暴力所波及，無彊界記者對此深表遺憾。另外，一名記者只是拍攝示威，卻遭警方盤查，組織也對該事件表示不滿。
"Les militants del’opposition ont le droit de manifester, mais il est lamentable qu’ils lefassent avec une telle violence et sans aucun souci pour la sécurité desjournalistes. Les relations entre la Chine et Taiwan est un sujet trèscontroversé, mais la presse doit pouvoir en parler sans être la cible deviolences ou de pressions", a affirmé l’organisation.
"Oppositionactivists have the right to demonstrate, but it is regrettable that they did sowith such violence and with no thought for the safety of journalists,"Reporters Without Borders said. "Relations between China and Taiwan are very controversial,but the media have a right to talk about them without being the target ofviolence or pressure."
无国界记者表示，“支持反对党的积极分子有权游行，然而，不顾记者安全，并使用用暴力的做法让人愤慨。虽然大陆和台湾之间的问题十分敏感，但是，媒体有权对此作出报道，而不应该成为暴力镇压的对象。” （註：該譯文會誤導讀者以為暴力是針對記者而來，與英法文意不同）
無彊界記者表示：「反對份子有權利抗議，然而，以如此暴力的方式而不顧及記者安危的做法讓人憤慨。雖然中國與台灣之間的關係是一個非常爭議的主題，但是，媒體有權在不成為暴力或壓力的目標下，對此進行報導。」
Le 6 novembre 2008, au moins dixjournalistes ont été blessés lors de manifestations organisées par despartisans de l’opposition en marge de la rencontre à Taipei entre le présidentde l’Association pour les relations dans le détroit de Taiwan (affiliée augouvernement chinois), Chen Yunlin, et le président taiwanais, Ma Ying-jeou. Parexemple, une journaliste a été blessée par un projectile lancé par unmanifestant. Tandis que Yang Sun-ren, cameraman d’ETTV, a été touché par unepierre. Un autre journaliste de la chaîne FTV aurait été blessé par unpolicier.
Atleast 10 journalists were injured during protests on 6 November by supportersof the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) against the meeting in Taipeibetween President Ma Ying-jeou and Chen Yunlin, the president of the Chinesegovernment-backed Association for Relations in the Taiwan Straits, which led toclashes between DPP supporters and police. Those injured included a womanjournalist who was hit by an object thrown by a demonstrator, ETTV cameramanYang Sun-ren, who was hit by a stone, and an FTV journalist who was injured bya policeman.
2008年11月6日，在台北举行的海峡两岸关系协会 （隶属中国大陆政府）会长陈云林和台湾总统马英九会见期间，反对党支持者组织游行，民进党的积极分子和警方发生冲突。游行中至少十名记者受伤，例如，一名记者被示威者投掷的硬物所伤，ETTV摄像师杨孙仁遭石块袭击，FTV一名记者被警察所伤。
2008年11月6日，在台北舉行的台灣海峽關係協會(隸屬於中國政府)會長陳雲林與台灣總統馬英九會面期間，至少有十位記者在反對黨支持者所組織的活動中受傷。例如，一名女記者被一名示威者的投擲物所傷，而東森電視的攝影師楊孫仁被一顆石頭打中，另一名民視記者則應是為警察所傷。（註：法文使用婉轉口氣，但實情無疑是被警察所傷。）
Le 5 novembre dans la soirée, uneprésentatrice de la télévision chinoise CCTV, Chai Lu, a quant à elle étéagressée devant un hôtel par des opposants. Elle a été protégée par despoliciers arrivés sur les lieux dix minutes plus tard. Le même soir et au mêmeendroit, un reporter de la chaîne Phoenix TV, basée à Hong Kong, a été malmenépar des partisans de l’indépendance.
ChaiLu, a presenter for the Chinese state television station CCTV, was attacked bygovernment opponents on the evening of 5 November outside a hotel, receivingprotection from police who arrived 10 minutes later. A reporter for HongKong-based Phoenix TV was manhandled later the same evening in the same placeby Taiwanese independence supporters.
11月5日晚，中国CCTV女主播柴璐在酒店前遭到反对者袭击，十分钟后到达的警察对其实施保护措施。同晚在同一地点，一名香港凤凰电视台的记者也有过类似的遭遇。
11月5日晚，中國中央電視台主播柴璐在旅館前遭到一些反對者攻擊，十分鐘後才由到達現場的警察施以保護。同晚在同一地點，一名香港鳳凰電視台的記者也遭到獨派份子粗暴對待。（註：這是實情或言過其實？）
Le 4 novembre, des policiers ontinterpellé et agressé la réalisatrice de documentaires Chen Yu-ching, alorsqu’elle se trouvait devant l’hôtel où résidait le représentant de Pékin. Lespoliciers l’ont détenue pendant une heure après qu’elle a refusé de leurprésenter son accréditation.
Documentaryfilmmaker Chen Yu-ching was detained and roughed up by police on 4 Novemberwhile she was outside the hotel where the Chinese government representative wasstaying. Thepolice held her for an hour after she refused to show her press accreditation.
11月4日，纪录片导演陈玉清在北京方面代表下榻的宾馆前被警察传唤并遭到虐待。陈玉清拒绝出示特派记者证件而被警方扣押了一个小时。
11月4日，紀錄片導演陳育青在北京方面代表下榻的旅館前被警察盤查並遭到攻擊。她拒絕出示記者證後，遭警方扣押了一個小時。
Le 2 novembre, un caméraman de laCentral News Agency a été malmené par des agents de sécurité, alors qu’ilcouvrait une cérémonie en l’honneur du représentant chinois dans la capitale.
ACentral News Agency cameraman was manhandled by security guards on 2 Novemberwhile covering a ceremony in honour of Chen Yunlin in Taipei.
11月2日，一名新闻中心的摄像师拍摄在为北京方面代表举行的欢迎仪式时遭到保安人员的无理对待。
11月2日，在首都，一名中央新聞社的攝影師拍攝在為中國代表舉行的歡迎儀式時，遭到保安人員粗暴對待。
Par ailleurs, certains médiastaiwanais se sont plaints d’avoir été écartés pour des "raisons desécurité" des entretiens entre le président et M. Chen, alors que desjournalistes venus du continent ont bénéficié d’un accès plus facile.
SomeTaiwanese media complained that they were excluded from meetings between Chenand the president, while mainland Chinese journalists had much better access.
另外，一些台湾媒体抱怨由于总统马英九和陈云林会面的“安全原因”而被禁止靠近，而大陆记者却可以畅行无阻。
另外，一些台灣媒體抱怨由於總統和陳先生會談的「安全原因」而被區隔，然而大陸而來的記者卻享有更容易接近的便利。
[轉載]日本〈台灣民主化後退憂慮之會〉 抗議文
日本救援台灣民主團體給馬英九總統先生的抗議文
*抗議文**
*
馬英九總統 先生:
我們是在30幾年前、因為對台灣有數不清的人權彈壓行動、而聯合世界各地人權團體共同進行抗議活動的組織。
台灣人民以不斷的血淚努力、終於得到廢止戒嚴令、釋放政治犯、也進行了民 主化、並使得世界上對台灣評價為民主國家的今日、感到放心而且一直注目著。
但是在最近數日間、所傳出的消息讓我們禁不住要感到驚訝與憤怒。
消息指出對於中華人民共和國所派來的陳雲林先生(海峽兩岸關係協會會長)擔任安全警備任務的台灣警政署及台北市警察局的行為、己經大大地超出執行安全任務的範圍、進行過度
的檢問及搜查、對抗議的民眾以暴力來對付、己形同回復到往日戒嚴令的時代。
民主國家對人民的抗議遊行及行動是必須得到保障的權利、更何況播放母語的 音樂、使用何種標語、甚至連自己國家的國旗都被禁止、真是超乎想像以外的行為。
政權領導者的人權意識水準、以及對民主法制採取不予理會的態度、會表現在 現場警察官而形成不重視人權行為的溫床、這是歷史告訴我們的事實。
不顧人民的聲音、而且獨斷、專制、強壓地要改變與 中國的關係、所引起悲劇性的對立與分裂、只會造成不幸的結果、我們不得不憂慮卻反而無法描出未來的希望。
我們不但要抗議警備當局的不重視人權、民主的行為、而且憂慮台灣會再度出 現對言論及人權的彈壓、並且製造出新的政治犯而提出嚴重聲明。
2008年11月12日
台灣民主化後退憂慮之會(原台灣政治犯救援會)
**關於*日本台灣政治犯救援會: *1977年成立於東京，透過各種管道收集台灣政治受難者的資訊，同時散發到國際上，以公開演講、集會、遊 行、寫文章登報……等方式，向國民黨政府施壓，要求釋放台灣政治受難者。在台灣解嚴後，逐漸走向民主，救援會在1994年正式解散。
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
上文出處：台灣海外網-憂慮台灣民主化後退的市民集會
*抗議文**
*
馬英九總統 先生:
我們是在30幾年前、因為對台灣有數不清的人權彈壓行動、而聯合世界各地人權團體共同進行抗議活動的組織。
台灣人民以不斷的血淚努力、終於得到廢止戒嚴令、釋放政治犯、也進行了民 主化、並使得世界上對台灣評價為民主國家的今日、感到放心而且一直注目著。
但是在最近數日間、所傳出的消息讓我們禁不住要感到驚訝與憤怒。
消息指出對於中華人民共和國所派來的陳雲林先生(海峽兩岸關係協會會長)擔任安全警備任務的台灣警政署及台北市警察局的行為、己經大大地超出執行安全任務的範圍、進行過度
的檢問及搜查、對抗議的民眾以暴力來對付、己形同回復到往日戒嚴令的時代。
民主國家對人民的抗議遊行及行動是必須得到保障的權利、更何況播放母語的 音樂、使用何種標語、甚至連自己國家的國旗都被禁止、真是超乎想像以外的行為。
政權領導者的人權意識水準、以及對民主法制採取不予理會的態度、會表現在 現場警察官而形成不重視人權行為的溫床、這是歷史告訴我們的事實。
不顧人民的聲音、而且獨斷、專制、強壓地要改變與 中國的關係、所引起悲劇性的對立與分裂、只會造成不幸的結果、我們不得不憂慮卻反而無法描出未來的希望。
我們不但要抗議警備當局的不重視人權、民主的行為、而且憂慮台灣會再度出 現對言論及人權的彈壓、並且製造出新的政治犯而提出嚴重聲明。
2008年11月12日
台灣民主化後退憂慮之會(原台灣政治犯救援會)
**關於*日本台灣政治犯救援會: *1977年成立於東京，透過各種管道收集台灣政治受難者的資訊，同時散發到國際上，以公開演講、集會、遊 行、寫文章登報……等方式，向國民黨政府施壓，要求釋放台灣政治受難者。在台灣解嚴後，逐漸走向民主，救援會在1994年正式解散。
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
上文出處：台灣海外網-憂慮台灣民主化後退的市民集會
[轉載]美學者James Leigh給野草莓學生的公開信
文章轉錄自野草莓學運
A letter to WS students from Prof. Leigh
Sent: Monday, December 1, 2008 12:25:22 AM
From: James Leigh
Professor Emeritus in the College of Education
University of Missouri
Columbia, Missouri, USA
Dear Students:
I recently returned to the United States from a visit to your beautiful country,
where I had the opportunity to talk with other professors and students about my
professional work and interests related to the field of education. Even though the
purpose of my trip was entirely nonpolitical, during my visit I learned about the
Taiwan Wild Strawberries Movement, and I have read with interest the November 10
protest statement and many of the other postings on the TW Action website. After
returning to the U.S., I have been invited to share some of my thoughts and opinions
with you concerning the goals and activities of your movement.
Although the history and culture of our countries are quite different, when I was a
university student in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, there was a great amount of
unrest and turmoil in the U.S. between large numbers of university students and
faculty and others in the American society on the one hand, and staunch supporters of
government, military, and police authorities on the other hand. The protests and
demonstrations focused primarily on disagreement over U.S. policy relating to the
Vietnam war, but also grew to encompass opposing perspectives about other aspects
of American values and culture. Even though the Vietnam war ended long ago, there
are still lingering divisions and resentments harbored by many U.S. citizens as a result of the polarization and conflict from that era. I believe that some of that residual distrust and misunderstanding is now apparent in the socio-political distinction between “red” states and “blue” states in America, which in some respects is not unlike the designation of “blue” and “green” parties today in your country.
I cannot pretend to be well-versed in Taiwanese history and culture and its
complex relationship with the People’s Republic of China, so I will abstain from
offering judgments and specific recommendations regarding your current situation
other than to state that, as I understand it, your purpose appears to be not only just but noble insofar as it intends to protect and advance the cause of democracy and independence in your country. Of course, this position is to be expected from a
citizen of the country that declared its own independence in the words, “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ...” This statement maintains that the members of your movement, and indeed all citizens of Taiwan, already have the rights that you advocate by virtue of being human. You are not asking any government to confer such rights that you already possess, but rather your goal is to ensure that your government recognizes and protects those rights.
Since I am not in a position to provide suggestions regarding the particular
strategies and resources your movement should employ toward this goal, I will simply
offer some thoughts to consider based upon my observations of and participation in
protest movements in my own country. For example, one important lesson I learned
is that people are seldom persuaded to a point of view by physical confrontation or
loud and emotionally-charged argument. If anything, such tactics generally produce
a defensive posture in philosophical adversaries, and often are regarded as rude and
arrogant and potentially dangerous by neutral individuals who otherwise might be
open to the message if it had been offered in a less threatening manner. Many of the
violent clashes between student groups and police in the U.S. in the 1960’s were
counterproductive, even though the students’ cause was worthwhile, because so many
citizens were repulsed by what they perceived as the mindless destruction of property, disruption of civil order, injuries, and sometimes even the tragic and needless loss of life.
As you pursue your purpose, I would encourage each of you to remember the
words of Martin Luther King as he wrote from a jail in Birmingham, Alabama: "We
are caught in an inescapable web of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.
Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly." If this statement is true, as I believe it to be, the implication is that we must resist the politics of division and hatred in which our only concern and empathy is with those who support and join our cause, and in which others are regarded as enemies to be overcome. This does not mean that you should defer to or attempt to appease the opponents of democracy in your country, but rather that you should remember that it is their positions and policies that you seek to defeat, and not the people themselves. The implication of this distinction is that the fundamental humanity of all people must be respected, which rules out the use of violence or any form of degrading or demeaning attack, even in words, directed toward those with whom you disagree at this time.
Undoubtedly, you have already found that some of your members are well-versed
in the more substantive conceptual aspects of freedom and democracy and human
rights, while other members may only be caught up in their sense of the excitement
and adventure of rebellion and supporting a cause. Many who participated in various
American protest movements were well-informed and committed to their causes, but
it is also true that many were simply bored or dissatisfied young people for whom the
demonstrations and confrontations provided an outlet for their personal frustrations or a source of entertainment and a sense of belonging that they otherwise lacked in their lives.
In order to convince adversaries to listen to one’s perspective, it is necessary to be willing also to listen to and learn about their perspective. Positions and policies are not defeated by how loud and angry our voices of protest can be, but rather by how logical and convincing our reason is in undermining those positions and policies. In other words, to refute an idea, it is first necessary to understand it, which means learning about its background and history and the motives of those who subscribe to it and the positive and negative implications of adhering to that idea. Only then does it become possible to argue against the idea in a systematic, rational, and powerful manner that will appeal to those who are willing to consider differing perspectives.
Accordingly, perhaps your movement will provide an opportunity for your student
leaders also to serve as teachers, providing an education beyond university walls for
many Taiwanese citizens and future political leaders. Many great thinkers before you
have grappled with the notions of freedom and democracy and independence; authors
as diverse as Aristotle, Thomas Jefferson, Voltaire, Walt Whitman, G. K. Chesterton,
John Kennedy, Ghandi, Paulo Freire, Allen Ginsberg, Noam Chomsky and countless
others have shared their thoughts about such ideals, and you can read and study their
eloquent words today for guidance and inspiration and to translate and share with
your fellow citizens.
Finally, I offer my best wishes to you as you seek to foster a Taiwanese society in
which all citizens can pursue their goals and dreams and live their daily lives in an
atmosphere free from fear and oppression. I hope you continue to be strong and
courageous in your pursuits, resisting any and all attempts to deny your basic human
rights such as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, freedom
to petition, and freedom of the press. I also hope your movement will seek to achieve
its worthy goals, as much as possible without compromising the essential quest for
liberty and democracy, in a spirit of cooperation and inclusion and harmony with all
other citizens of Taiwan, including those with whom you may have disagreements at
this time, while remembering that it is not only the right but also the responsibility of citizens in a democracy to speak out against and non-violently resist any attempts by government to suppress or revoke such rights.
A letter to WS students from Prof. Leigh
Sent: Monday, December 1, 2008 12:25:22 AM
From: James Leigh
Professor Emeritus in the College of Education
University of Missouri
Columbia, Missouri, USA
Dear Students:
I recently returned to the United States from a visit to your beautiful country,
where I had the opportunity to talk with other professors and students about my
professional work and interests related to the field of education. Even though the
purpose of my trip was entirely nonpolitical, during my visit I learned about the
Taiwan Wild Strawberries Movement, and I have read with interest the November 10
protest statement and many of the other postings on the TW Action website. After
returning to the U.S., I have been invited to share some of my thoughts and opinions
with you concerning the goals and activities of your movement.
Although the history and culture of our countries are quite different, when I was a
university student in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, there was a great amount of
unrest and turmoil in the U.S. between large numbers of university students and
faculty and others in the American society on the one hand, and staunch supporters of
government, military, and police authorities on the other hand. The protests and
demonstrations focused primarily on disagreement over U.S. policy relating to the
Vietnam war, but also grew to encompass opposing perspectives about other aspects
of American values and culture. Even though the Vietnam war ended long ago, there
are still lingering divisions and resentments harbored by many U.S. citizens as a result of the polarization and conflict from that era. I believe that some of that residual distrust and misunderstanding is now apparent in the socio-political distinction between “red” states and “blue” states in America, which in some respects is not unlike the designation of “blue” and “green” parties today in your country.
I cannot pretend to be well-versed in Taiwanese history and culture and its
complex relationship with the People’s Republic of China, so I will abstain from
offering judgments and specific recommendations regarding your current situation
other than to state that, as I understand it, your purpose appears to be not only just but noble insofar as it intends to protect and advance the cause of democracy and independence in your country. Of course, this position is to be expected from a
citizen of the country that declared its own independence in the words, “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ...” This statement maintains that the members of your movement, and indeed all citizens of Taiwan, already have the rights that you advocate by virtue of being human. You are not asking any government to confer such rights that you already possess, but rather your goal is to ensure that your government recognizes and protects those rights.
Since I am not in a position to provide suggestions regarding the particular
strategies and resources your movement should employ toward this goal, I will simply
offer some thoughts to consider based upon my observations of and participation in
protest movements in my own country. For example, one important lesson I learned
is that people are seldom persuaded to a point of view by physical confrontation or
loud and emotionally-charged argument. If anything, such tactics generally produce
a defensive posture in philosophical adversaries, and often are regarded as rude and
arrogant and potentially dangerous by neutral individuals who otherwise might be
open to the message if it had been offered in a less threatening manner. Many of the
violent clashes between student groups and police in the U.S. in the 1960’s were
counterproductive, even though the students’ cause was worthwhile, because so many
citizens were repulsed by what they perceived as the mindless destruction of property, disruption of civil order, injuries, and sometimes even the tragic and needless loss of life.
As you pursue your purpose, I would encourage each of you to remember the
words of Martin Luther King as he wrote from a jail in Birmingham, Alabama: "We
are caught in an inescapable web of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.
Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly." If this statement is true, as I believe it to be, the implication is that we must resist the politics of division and hatred in which our only concern and empathy is with those who support and join our cause, and in which others are regarded as enemies to be overcome. This does not mean that you should defer to or attempt to appease the opponents of democracy in your country, but rather that you should remember that it is their positions and policies that you seek to defeat, and not the people themselves. The implication of this distinction is that the fundamental humanity of all people must be respected, which rules out the use of violence or any form of degrading or demeaning attack, even in words, directed toward those with whom you disagree at this time.
Undoubtedly, you have already found that some of your members are well-versed
in the more substantive conceptual aspects of freedom and democracy and human
rights, while other members may only be caught up in their sense of the excitement
and adventure of rebellion and supporting a cause. Many who participated in various
American protest movements were well-informed and committed to their causes, but
it is also true that many were simply bored or dissatisfied young people for whom the
demonstrations and confrontations provided an outlet for their personal frustrations or a source of entertainment and a sense of belonging that they otherwise lacked in their lives.
In order to convince adversaries to listen to one’s perspective, it is necessary to be willing also to listen to and learn about their perspective. Positions and policies are not defeated by how loud and angry our voices of protest can be, but rather by how logical and convincing our reason is in undermining those positions and policies. In other words, to refute an idea, it is first necessary to understand it, which means learning about its background and history and the motives of those who subscribe to it and the positive and negative implications of adhering to that idea. Only then does it become possible to argue against the idea in a systematic, rational, and powerful manner that will appeal to those who are willing to consider differing perspectives.
Accordingly, perhaps your movement will provide an opportunity for your student
leaders also to serve as teachers, providing an education beyond university walls for
many Taiwanese citizens and future political leaders. Many great thinkers before you
have grappled with the notions of freedom and democracy and independence; authors
as diverse as Aristotle, Thomas Jefferson, Voltaire, Walt Whitman, G. K. Chesterton,
John Kennedy, Ghandi, Paulo Freire, Allen Ginsberg, Noam Chomsky and countless
others have shared their thoughts about such ideals, and you can read and study their
eloquent words today for guidance and inspiration and to translate and share with
your fellow citizens.
Finally, I offer my best wishes to you as you seek to foster a Taiwanese society in
which all citizens can pursue their goals and dreams and live their daily lives in an
atmosphere free from fear and oppression. I hope you continue to be strong and
courageous in your pursuits, resisting any and all attempts to deny your basic human
rights such as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, freedom
to petition, and freedom of the press. I also hope your movement will seek to achieve
its worthy goals, as much as possible without compromising the essential quest for
liberty and democracy, in a spirit of cooperation and inclusion and harmony with all
other citizens of Taiwan, including those with whom you may have disagreements at
this time, while remembering that it is not only the right but also the responsibility of citizens in a democracy to speak out against and non-violently resist any attempts by government to suppress or revoke such rights.
[轉載]新聞週刊（Newsweek）陳水扁被戲劇性收押的風暴
新聞周刊(Newsweek)：陳水扁被戲劇性收押的風暴
Fallout from Chen Shui-bian's dramatic arrest
Wednesday, November 12, 2008 11:51 PM
By Melinda Liu
【譯註】因版權關係，本譯文業經刪節 (譯:黃南瀛)
中國否認對台灣施壓逮捕陳前總統。他因被控在任期間，盜用公款、洗錢、收賄及偽造文書而遭逮捕。陳水扁長期反對與中國統一，指控其繼任者馬總統下令將他收押，以取悅中國領導階層。他還沒被審判，但可能被羈押最多四個月以便偵查，如新聞週刊Duncan Hewitt報導，此案凸顯台灣政治分歧逐漸加劇。
在馬總統與中國大陸簽署歷史性的直航協議後不久，迅速以貪污罪收押陳前總統，可視為馬總統與其國民黨在野8年後，尋求鞏固政權的另一勝利，但實際上，羈押陳前總統，或將突顯自馬總統於5月上任後台灣內部逐漸升高的政治緊張。
外界已無法期待在哈佛受教育、被視為相對溫和的馬總統，可為對兩岸統一意見分歧的社會帶來共識。10月底的民調顯示，其支持率已自60％下滑至23％。台灣民眾對陳前總統感到憤怒是無庸置疑的，因為他已承認違法未完全申報競選政治獻金，但最近幾個月來，其他7名與民進黨有關人士因貪污指控而遭收押，讓外界憂慮新政府領導下台灣司法的獨立性。
不僅傳統民進黨支持者提出類此警告，在陳水扁被羈押前的上個星期， 20位國際知名亞洲專家，包括賓州大學教授林蔚(Arthur Waldron)、澳洲蒙那許大學教授Bruce Jacobs、邁阿密大學教授金德芳（June Teufel Dreyer），及前遠東經濟評論台北特派員Julian Baum等人共同發表史無前例的公開信【譯注：請參閱http://blog.yam.com/modernhippie/article /18059774】表達嚴重關切台灣檢察官的行為。該公開信指出，「台灣一直有貪污事件，且兩個政治陣營皆有。」他們表示，近期收押事件帶來國民黨政府「藉司法制度報復前民進黨政府官員」的印象。指出檢察官在被指控者未被正式起訴情況之下就被收押禁見，「嚴重違反了人身保護令以及正當法律程序、公義與法治。」他們也指責檢察官很明顯地將相關不利消息透露給媒體，是「透過媒體辦案」；在八零年代後期與九零年早期成功轉型為民主的成就，將因這些行動而破壞。
主張台灣民主倒退回獨裁的論點，已在上週陳雲林訪台簽署歷史性協議時浮現，這些協議得到相當支持，實際上，部分內容早在陳水扁和民進黨執政時就已經談判過，但因陳總統不接受「一個中國」原則而破局。
但馬總統接待陳雲林的作法，似乎是有計畫的擾亂反對者。批評者指控馬總統為了對中國代表團「給面子」而讓步太多，如陳雲林在台期間，總統府未懸掛不為北京承認的官方國旗，由於馬總統的地位也不被北京承認，被陳雲林稱呼為馬先生；同樣引起爭議的是：拒絕批准民眾示威。
在台灣民主時期，類此駁回事件甚為罕見。當抗議者試圖示威時，他們遭警察毆打，導致逾100人受傷，並震驚許多人，認為台灣社會變得殘忍。台北的法國當代中國研究中心主任 Frank Muyard指出，「自李前總統在民主轉型期間完全掌權後，16年來台灣未見警察使用武力對付和平抗議者。」
民眾的忿怒爆發，導致發生示威者圍困陳雲林無法離開旅館的混亂場面，大專院校學生想以和平方式抗議政府的處置措施，也被警察驅散，促使500名大學生以公開信呼籲保護言論自由並調查警察的暴行。英文報紙台北時報在責備民進黨未事先就陳雲林訪台與政府協商之同時，更指責馬總統與國民黨「恢復使用戒嚴時期的戰術」。
其社論指出「在那四天部署7000名警察限制民眾的行動自由，是災難的起緣」，又稱馬英九「若不是誤判民眾的意見，反映他是毫無效率的國家決策者；就是他一點也不在乎其行動引發的政治分歧。」
批評者指責他把陳雲林訪台變成大事件，激化民眾對兩岸關係的疑慮。一位80歲的老國民黨黨員於週二在台北市中心自焚，突顯了這事件的爭議，他抗議拿國旗的民眾被警察粗暴對待，結果三級燒傷全身超過80%灼傷，被送到醫院治療。
這些事件讓這個長久分歧的社會因為馬英九造成的政治緊張而更動盪。「陳水扁是非常具爭議的人物」法國當代中國研究中心主任 Frank Muyard指出：「民眾希望馬英九會多點善意，認為他是溫和、有教養的好人，有助於凝聚台灣，以及做些促進和好的事，但他並不這麼做，現在許多人認為他與中國是一夥的，過於討好中國，他們不相信他能護衛台灣的主權。」
對誇大報導江陳會談是雙贏的中國政府而言，看到陳水扁被捕在某種程度上是感到滿意的，北京蔑視他在1970與80年代的台獨背景。流行的民族主義小報環球時報在週三的頭條報導「陳水扁被銬」，國營媒體好幾個月來一直詳細的對陳水扁家族進行各式各樣的指控(用來對照今年四月剛被判刑18年的前上海共黨書記陳良宇)。
另一方面，馬英九同意直航、一個中國原則、鬆綁台商不能對大陸投資超過40%的限制，顯然一直高度受到中國領導者歡迎。近期事件顯示，在兩岸實際關係較以往更為緊密之際，馬總統的作法也許會冒著引發更大的反中聲浪的風險。
【譯註】作者在字裡行間顯然認為台灣的民主已經是過去式，這實在是台灣的悲哀，經過昨天震驚世界的報導後，國際媒體逐漸從一連串的事件中嗅出馬英九政府正在製造台灣的動亂。
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Fallout from Chen Shui-Bian's Dramatic Arrest
Wednesday, November 12, 2008 11:51 PM
By Melinda Liu
China has denied that it put pressure on Taiwan to arrest former President Chen Shui-bian, who's been arrested, accused of embezzlement, money laundering, taking bribes, and forging documents while in office. Chen, a long time opponent of reunification with Beijing, accused his successor Ma Ying-jeou of ordering his detention to curry favour with mainland China’s leaders. He has yet to be charged, but may be held for up to four months while prosecutors prepare their case against him. As Newsweek’s Duncan Hewitt writes, the case highlights growing political rifts in Taiwan over relations with China:
The detention of Chen Shui-bian on corruption charges, coming so soon after new president Ma Ying-jeou signed accords authorizing historic direct shipping links with mainland China, could be seen as yet another victory for Mr Ma and his Kuomintang party (KMT), as they seek to consolidate power after eight years in opposition. But in practice, Mr Chen’s detention is likely to highlight political tensions which have growing in Taiwan since President Ma’s accession in May this year.
Hopes that Mr Ma, a Harvard-educated lawyer seen as relatively moderate, would bring consensus to a society long fragmented over attitudes towards reunification with the mainland, have been shattered. Polls have shown his popularity plunging from some 60% to around 23% in late October. There is undoubtedly much public anger in Taiwan towards Chen Shui-bian, who has admitted breaking the law by not fully disclosing campaign donations -- but the arrests of seven other figures associated with his Democratic Progressive Party, also in connection with corruption allegations, over the past few months, have led to fears being raised about the independence of Taiwan’s judiciary under the new leadership.
Such warnings have not just come from traditional DPP supporters. Last week, before Mr Chen’s arrest, twenty prominent international Asia specialists, including Professors Arthur Waldron of the University of Pennsylvania, Bruce Jacobs of Monash University and June Teufel Dreyer of the University of Miami, along with former Far Eastern Economic Review Taipei correspondent Julian Baum, issued an unprecedented open letter expressing “deep concern” at the behaviour of Taiwanese prosecutors. “It is obvious that there have been cases of corruption in Taiwan,” they wrote, “but these have occurred in both political camps.” The recent detentions, they said, had created an impression that the KMT authorities “are using the judicial system to get even with members of the former DPP government.” They accused prosecutors of “a basic violation of due process, justice and the rule of law,” by holding several detainees incommunicado without being charged, and of “trial by press” by leaking detrimental information to the media. They suggested that such actions were jeopardizing the achievements of Taiwan’s transition from one party rule (by the KMT) to democracy in the late 1980s and early 90s.
Allegations of a regression to past authoritarianism also surfaced last week, when China’s top negotiator, Chen Yunlin, visited Taiwan to sign the historic accords allowing direct air, postal and shipping links between Taiwan and the mainland. There is actually a fairly broad consensus of support in Taiwan for the opening of such links – indeed most of the details of the accords were negotiated when Chen Shui-bian and the DPP were still in power. But final agreement could not be reached back then because Mr Chen would not accept China’s demand that he must first accept Beijing’s “One China” concept (which basically means accepting that Taiwan is part of China and the two sides will one day be reunified, even if they differ on the exact means to achieve this.)
But President Ma’s approach to the visit of Chen Yunlin, the most senior mainland official to visit Taiwan for six decades, seemed calculated to upset his opponents. Critics accused him of bending over backwards to “give face” to the mainland delegation: the official flag of Taiwan, which Beijing does not recognise, was not flown at the presidential palace when Mr Chen visited; the President was addressed by the mainland delegation as plain Mr Ma, since Beijing does not recognise his presidential status. Equally controversially, would-be protesters were refused permission to stage demonstrations against Mr Chen’s visit.
Such refusals are rare in Taiwan’s democratic era – and when protesters did try to demonstrate anyway, they were met with police beatings that left over 100 people injured and shocked many who thought Taiwanese society had turned its back on such brutality. “People were very upset,” says Frank Muyard, Director of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China in Taipei. “For the police to use force against peaceful protesters is something which hasn’t been seen in Taiwan for perhaps 16 years, since before [former President] Lee Teng-hui took full power during the transition to democracy.”
Public anger spilled over, leading to chaotic scenes when Chen Yunlin was prevented from leaving his hotel for hours by furious demonstrators. Students and academics seeking to protest peacefully at the government’s handling of the affair were also dispersed by police, leading to an open letter by 500 academics calling for the right to free speech to be protected, and for a probe into police violence. The English-language Taipei Times newspaper, while criticising leaders of the opposition DPP for not discussing plans for Chen Yunlin’s visit with the government in advance, accused Ma and the KMT of ‘reverting to time-dishonored tactics reminiscent of the Martial Law era.”
“Deploying 7,000 police officers over a four-day period and restricting the public’s freedom of movement were a recipe for disaster,” it said in an editorial, adding that Mr Ma “either misjudged public opinion, showing how ineffective he is as the nation’s top decision-maker, or he didn’t care about the political ramifications of his actions — at least not in Taiwan.”
Critics accused him of grandstanding by turning Chen Yunlin’s visit into such a big event – when the accords could have been signed with much less fanfare and public fallout – and of alienating anyone with doubts about closer ties with the Chinese mainland. This was highlighted on Tuesday when an 80-year \-old man, claiming to be a long-standing KMT member, set himself on fire in central Taipei, in protest at what he said was excessive police brutality against marchers carrying Taiwan’s official flag during Mr Chen’s visit; he was taken to hospital with third degree burns over 80% of his body.
These events have left a society long used to fragmentation - where most academics, analysts and media organisations are on one side or the other of the political divide – still reeling at the increase in political tension under President Ma: “Chen Shui-bian was a very divisive figure,” says Frank Muyard of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China. “People hoped Ma would be more conciliatory – they saw him as a gentle, well-educated, nice person who would help Taiwan come together and do something for reconciliation. But he hasn’t done that. Now many people see him as partisan, too eager to please China – they don’t trust him to defend Taiwan’s sovereignty.”
For the mainland government, which has reported the opening of cross-strait links with great fanfare as a ‘win-win’ situation for both sides, there’s a clear degree of satisfaction in seeing Chen Shui-bian under arrest. Beijing despised him for his background in Taiwan’s pro-independence movement of the 1970s and 80s. “Chen Shui-bian in handcuffs” was the banner headline in the popular nationalist tabloid newspaper the Global Times on Wednesday. And for months China’s state-run media has revelled in reporting every detail of the various allegations of corruption against Mr Chen, his wife and associates (in marked contrast to the minimal amount of detail it gave in the corruption case of another Chen, former Communist Party Secretary of Shanghai Chen Liangyu, who was jailed for eighteen years in April.)
Ma Ying-jeou’s popularity with China’s leaders, on the other hand, is clearly at an all-time high: as well as agreeing to direct links and the One China principle, he has also relaxed restrictions which prevented Taiwanese companies from investing more than 40% of their assets in the mainland, further boosting economic ties. Yet recent events suggest his actions may also risk provoking a deeper anti-mainland backlash, at the very moment when physical links between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits have become closer than ever.
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文章出處：找尋美麗的小北海道in Taiwan
Newsweek原文出處
Fallout from Chen Shui-bian's dramatic arrest
Wednesday, November 12, 2008 11:51 PM
By Melinda Liu
【譯註】因版權關係，本譯文業經刪節 (譯:黃南瀛)
中國否認對台灣施壓逮捕陳前總統。他因被控在任期間，盜用公款、洗錢、收賄及偽造文書而遭逮捕。陳水扁長期反對與中國統一，指控其繼任者馬總統下令將他收押，以取悅中國領導階層。他還沒被審判，但可能被羈押最多四個月以便偵查，如新聞週刊Duncan Hewitt報導，此案凸顯台灣政治分歧逐漸加劇。
在馬總統與中國大陸簽署歷史性的直航協議後不久，迅速以貪污罪收押陳前總統，可視為馬總統與其國民黨在野8年後，尋求鞏固政權的另一勝利，但實際上，羈押陳前總統，或將突顯自馬總統於5月上任後台灣內部逐漸升高的政治緊張。
外界已無法期待在哈佛受教育、被視為相對溫和的馬總統，可為對兩岸統一意見分歧的社會帶來共識。10月底的民調顯示，其支持率已自60％下滑至23％。台灣民眾對陳前總統感到憤怒是無庸置疑的，因為他已承認違法未完全申報競選政治獻金，但最近幾個月來，其他7名與民進黨有關人士因貪污指控而遭收押，讓外界憂慮新政府領導下台灣司法的獨立性。
不僅傳統民進黨支持者提出類此警告，在陳水扁被羈押前的上個星期， 20位國際知名亞洲專家，包括賓州大學教授林蔚(Arthur Waldron)、澳洲蒙那許大學教授Bruce Jacobs、邁阿密大學教授金德芳（June Teufel Dreyer），及前遠東經濟評論台北特派員Julian Baum等人共同發表史無前例的公開信【譯注：請參閱http://blog.yam.com/modernhippie/article /18059774】表達嚴重關切台灣檢察官的行為。該公開信指出，「台灣一直有貪污事件，且兩個政治陣營皆有。」他們表示，近期收押事件帶來國民黨政府「藉司法制度報復前民進黨政府官員」的印象。指出檢察官在被指控者未被正式起訴情況之下就被收押禁見，「嚴重違反了人身保護令以及正當法律程序、公義與法治。」他們也指責檢察官很明顯地將相關不利消息透露給媒體，是「透過媒體辦案」；在八零年代後期與九零年早期成功轉型為民主的成就，將因這些行動而破壞。
主張台灣民主倒退回獨裁的論點，已在上週陳雲林訪台簽署歷史性協議時浮現，這些協議得到相當支持，實際上，部分內容早在陳水扁和民進黨執政時就已經談判過，但因陳總統不接受「一個中國」原則而破局。
但馬總統接待陳雲林的作法，似乎是有計畫的擾亂反對者。批評者指控馬總統為了對中國代表團「給面子」而讓步太多，如陳雲林在台期間，總統府未懸掛不為北京承認的官方國旗，由於馬總統的地位也不被北京承認，被陳雲林稱呼為馬先生；同樣引起爭議的是：拒絕批准民眾示威。
在台灣民主時期，類此駁回事件甚為罕見。當抗議者試圖示威時，他們遭警察毆打，導致逾100人受傷，並震驚許多人，認為台灣社會變得殘忍。台北的法國當代中國研究中心主任 Frank Muyard指出，「自李前總統在民主轉型期間完全掌權後，16年來台灣未見警察使用武力對付和平抗議者。」
民眾的忿怒爆發，導致發生示威者圍困陳雲林無法離開旅館的混亂場面，大專院校學生想以和平方式抗議政府的處置措施，也被警察驅散，促使500名大學生以公開信呼籲保護言論自由並調查警察的暴行。英文報紙台北時報在責備民進黨未事先就陳雲林訪台與政府協商之同時，更指責馬總統與國民黨「恢復使用戒嚴時期的戰術」。
其社論指出「在那四天部署7000名警察限制民眾的行動自由，是災難的起緣」，又稱馬英九「若不是誤判民眾的意見，反映他是毫無效率的國家決策者；就是他一點也不在乎其行動引發的政治分歧。」
批評者指責他把陳雲林訪台變成大事件，激化民眾對兩岸關係的疑慮。一位80歲的老國民黨黨員於週二在台北市中心自焚，突顯了這事件的爭議，他抗議拿國旗的民眾被警察粗暴對待，結果三級燒傷全身超過80%灼傷，被送到醫院治療。
這些事件讓這個長久分歧的社會因為馬英九造成的政治緊張而更動盪。「陳水扁是非常具爭議的人物」法國當代中國研究中心主任 Frank Muyard指出：「民眾希望馬英九會多點善意，認為他是溫和、有教養的好人，有助於凝聚台灣，以及做些促進和好的事，但他並不這麼做，現在許多人認為他與中國是一夥的，過於討好中國，他們不相信他能護衛台灣的主權。」
對誇大報導江陳會談是雙贏的中國政府而言，看到陳水扁被捕在某種程度上是感到滿意的，北京蔑視他在1970與80年代的台獨背景。流行的民族主義小報環球時報在週三的頭條報導「陳水扁被銬」，國營媒體好幾個月來一直詳細的對陳水扁家族進行各式各樣的指控(用來對照今年四月剛被判刑18年的前上海共黨書記陳良宇)。
另一方面，馬英九同意直航、一個中國原則、鬆綁台商不能對大陸投資超過40%的限制，顯然一直高度受到中國領導者歡迎。近期事件顯示，在兩岸實際關係較以往更為緊密之際，馬總統的作法也許會冒著引發更大的反中聲浪的風險。
【譯註】作者在字裡行間顯然認為台灣的民主已經是過去式，這實在是台灣的悲哀，經過昨天震驚世界的報導後，國際媒體逐漸從一連串的事件中嗅出馬英九政府正在製造台灣的動亂。
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Fallout from Chen Shui-Bian's Dramatic Arrest
Wednesday, November 12, 2008 11:51 PM
By Melinda Liu
China has denied that it put pressure on Taiwan to arrest former President Chen Shui-bian, who's been arrested, accused of embezzlement, money laundering, taking bribes, and forging documents while in office. Chen, a long time opponent of reunification with Beijing, accused his successor Ma Ying-jeou of ordering his detention to curry favour with mainland China’s leaders. He has yet to be charged, but may be held for up to four months while prosecutors prepare their case against him. As Newsweek’s Duncan Hewitt writes, the case highlights growing political rifts in Taiwan over relations with China:
The detention of Chen Shui-bian on corruption charges, coming so soon after new president Ma Ying-jeou signed accords authorizing historic direct shipping links with mainland China, could be seen as yet another victory for Mr Ma and his Kuomintang party (KMT), as they seek to consolidate power after eight years in opposition. But in practice, Mr Chen’s detention is likely to highlight political tensions which have growing in Taiwan since President Ma’s accession in May this year.
Hopes that Mr Ma, a Harvard-educated lawyer seen as relatively moderate, would bring consensus to a society long fragmented over attitudes towards reunification with the mainland, have been shattered. Polls have shown his popularity plunging from some 60% to around 23% in late October. There is undoubtedly much public anger in Taiwan towards Chen Shui-bian, who has admitted breaking the law by not fully disclosing campaign donations -- but the arrests of seven other figures associated with his Democratic Progressive Party, also in connection with corruption allegations, over the past few months, have led to fears being raised about the independence of Taiwan’s judiciary under the new leadership.
Such warnings have not just come from traditional DPP supporters. Last week, before Mr Chen’s arrest, twenty prominent international Asia specialists, including Professors Arthur Waldron of the University of Pennsylvania, Bruce Jacobs of Monash University and June Teufel Dreyer of the University of Miami, along with former Far Eastern Economic Review Taipei correspondent Julian Baum, issued an unprecedented open letter expressing “deep concern” at the behaviour of Taiwanese prosecutors. “It is obvious that there have been cases of corruption in Taiwan,” they wrote, “but these have occurred in both political camps.” The recent detentions, they said, had created an impression that the KMT authorities “are using the judicial system to get even with members of the former DPP government.” They accused prosecutors of “a basic violation of due process, justice and the rule of law,” by holding several detainees incommunicado without being charged, and of “trial by press” by leaking detrimental information to the media. They suggested that such actions were jeopardizing the achievements of Taiwan’s transition from one party rule (by the KMT) to democracy in the late 1980s and early 90s.
Allegations of a regression to past authoritarianism also surfaced last week, when China’s top negotiator, Chen Yunlin, visited Taiwan to sign the historic accords allowing direct air, postal and shipping links between Taiwan and the mainland. There is actually a fairly broad consensus of support in Taiwan for the opening of such links – indeed most of the details of the accords were negotiated when Chen Shui-bian and the DPP were still in power. But final agreement could not be reached back then because Mr Chen would not accept China’s demand that he must first accept Beijing’s “One China” concept (which basically means accepting that Taiwan is part of China and the two sides will one day be reunified, even if they differ on the exact means to achieve this.)
But President Ma’s approach to the visit of Chen Yunlin, the most senior mainland official to visit Taiwan for six decades, seemed calculated to upset his opponents. Critics accused him of bending over backwards to “give face” to the mainland delegation: the official flag of Taiwan, which Beijing does not recognise, was not flown at the presidential palace when Mr Chen visited; the President was addressed by the mainland delegation as plain Mr Ma, since Beijing does not recognise his presidential status. Equally controversially, would-be protesters were refused permission to stage demonstrations against Mr Chen’s visit.
Such refusals are rare in Taiwan’s democratic era – and when protesters did try to demonstrate anyway, they were met with police beatings that left over 100 people injured and shocked many who thought Taiwanese society had turned its back on such brutality. “People were very upset,” says Frank Muyard, Director of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China in Taipei. “For the police to use force against peaceful protesters is something which hasn’t been seen in Taiwan for perhaps 16 years, since before [former President] Lee Teng-hui took full power during the transition to democracy.”
Public anger spilled over, leading to chaotic scenes when Chen Yunlin was prevented from leaving his hotel for hours by furious demonstrators. Students and academics seeking to protest peacefully at the government’s handling of the affair were also dispersed by police, leading to an open letter by 500 academics calling for the right to free speech to be protected, and for a probe into police violence. The English-language Taipei Times newspaper, while criticising leaders of the opposition DPP for not discussing plans for Chen Yunlin’s visit with the government in advance, accused Ma and the KMT of ‘reverting to time-dishonored tactics reminiscent of the Martial Law era.”
“Deploying 7,000 police officers over a four-day period and restricting the public’s freedom of movement were a recipe for disaster,” it said in an editorial, adding that Mr Ma “either misjudged public opinion, showing how ineffective he is as the nation’s top decision-maker, or he didn’t care about the political ramifications of his actions — at least not in Taiwan.”
Critics accused him of grandstanding by turning Chen Yunlin’s visit into such a big event – when the accords could have been signed with much less fanfare and public fallout – and of alienating anyone with doubts about closer ties with the Chinese mainland. This was highlighted on Tuesday when an 80-year \-old man, claiming to be a long-standing KMT member, set himself on fire in central Taipei, in protest at what he said was excessive police brutality against marchers carrying Taiwan’s official flag during Mr Chen’s visit; he was taken to hospital with third degree burns over 80% of his body.
These events have left a society long used to fragmentation - where most academics, analysts and media organisations are on one side or the other of the political divide – still reeling at the increase in political tension under President Ma: “Chen Shui-bian was a very divisive figure,” says Frank Muyard of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China. “People hoped Ma would be more conciliatory – they saw him as a gentle, well-educated, nice person who would help Taiwan come together and do something for reconciliation. But he hasn’t done that. Now many people see him as partisan, too eager to please China – they don’t trust him to defend Taiwan’s sovereignty.”
For the mainland government, which has reported the opening of cross-strait links with great fanfare as a ‘win-win’ situation for both sides, there’s a clear degree of satisfaction in seeing Chen Shui-bian under arrest. Beijing despised him for his background in Taiwan’s pro-independence movement of the 1970s and 80s. “Chen Shui-bian in handcuffs” was the banner headline in the popular nationalist tabloid newspaper the Global Times on Wednesday. And for months China’s state-run media has revelled in reporting every detail of the various allegations of corruption against Mr Chen, his wife and associates (in marked contrast to the minimal amount of detail it gave in the corruption case of another Chen, former Communist Party Secretary of Shanghai Chen Liangyu, who was jailed for eighteen years in April.)
Ma Ying-jeou’s popularity with China’s leaders, on the other hand, is clearly at an all-time high: as well as agreeing to direct links and the One China principle, he has also relaxed restrictions which prevented Taiwanese companies from investing more than 40% of their assets in the mainland, further boosting economic ties. Yet recent events suggest his actions may also risk provoking a deeper anti-mainland backlash, at the very moment when physical links between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits have become closer than ever.
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文章出處：找尋美麗的小北海道in Taiwan
Newsweek原文出處
[轉載]馬哈佛恩師孔傑榮：台灣警方為保護中國使節而逾越了自由社會的界線
孔傑榮專欄─陳雲林旋風 颳人權問題
2008.11.13 中國時報
上星期，中國的海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林對台灣進行歷史性訪問，以簽署四項有益的協議達到最高潮，但也凸顯了一些人權與政治問題。有些問題是關於，在一個自由社會中政府對公眾抗議活動的因應作法是否適切。另有些問題則涉及，檢察官針對涉嫌貪瀆的前任與現任政府領袖的調查是否公正。
近三千年來，中國人一直承認保護外國特使的重要性。在秦朝建立之前，競逐權力的諸侯國互相保證彼此使節的個人安全。這類保護對於國與國進行合作一直是不可或缺的。
在數星期前發生台南警方未能阻止針對中國海協會副會長張銘清的攻擊事件後，馬英九總統的政府有義務在陳雲林訪台時做得更好。儘管警方無法保護陳免於被大批抗議群眾困在台北晶華酒店達八小時之久，他們總算得以在他訪台的緊張一周內讓他免遭人身傷害。
然而，警方這麼做的同時，卻逾越了一個自由社會的界限，包括禁止和平抗議群眾亮出台灣旗幟和西藏旗幟，沒收許多示威者身上的旗幟，還要求一家播放台語歌曲的唱片行拉下鐵門，並盡量避免讓陳雲林等一行訪客知悉這些抗議消息。另外也傳出警方施暴事件，儘管這些事件有時是針對示威群眾的暴力挑釁所做之回應。警方的不當做法甚至激怒了許多支持陳訪台的當地人士。
對於馬總統來說，除了兌現他在競選期間提出的修訂《集會遊行法》承諾，取消舉行抗議活動須事先獲官方核准的規定，另外也應當建議修法禁絕最近出現的這種警方不民主作法，並下令加強訓練，提升警方奉守法律的觀念。
令人鼓舞的是，領導反對黨進行這次大規模示威活動的民進黨主席蔡英文女士，隨後不但呼籲政府檢討警方的不當作法，也要求民進黨檢討自身未能在示威群眾之間維持秩序的缺失。民進黨如果要履行其身為民主反對黨的主要角色，必定不能淪落為一群街頭鬥士。
若干台灣與外國批評者抓住陳訪台的時機，呼籲關注民主政府的另一重大特徵，亦即對涉嫌貪瀆的現任與前任官員公平起訴問題。批評者針對曾擔任政府官員的民進黨要員遭逮捕及收押禁見，提出了三項重大質疑。他們指檢察官是特別針對民進黨辦案，那些發生在國民黨領袖之間的貪瀆行為卻被視而不見。他們並聲稱：大部分民進黨籍嫌犯遭收押禁見時，並無機會讓法庭針對檢方的羈押理由進行檢視；加上檢察署一直向媒體洩露對嫌犯不利的偵查內容，另方面卻不讓這些嫌犯知悉走漏的內容，以及有機會針對這種「透過媒體辦案」作法提出辯駁。他們稱，司法體系應保持政治中立，奉行無罪推定原則，以及其他進行公正與公開審判所需的正當法律程序，這些原則對於民主政治攸關重要，然而檢方的作法卻令人質疑，也使得「戒嚴黑暗時代」（一九四九年至一九八七年）不守正當程序的幽靈再現。
很顯然地，這些批評者所謂的「選擇性起訴」之說並無充分根據。最近這些逮捕事件，可能僅是過去八年掌控行政權的民進黨貪瀆問題猖獗的一種反映罷了，而這一貪瀆的程度據稱直抵前總統陳水扁的家人。說來也奇怪，在陳執政時代，民進黨與國民黨雙方都有人遭起訴，然而儘管監察院調查人員據說彙整了大疊卷宗資料，有些明顯不法的國民黨人士卻被忽略了。馬總統應當任命一個由立場超然專家組成的委員會，負責檢視過去與現在的一些公訴案，以探究這些問題及其他疑雲。
最近遭收押的民進黨要員，倒似乎都未被剝奪庭審或是聘請律師辯護的權利。再者，法庭裁定將他們收押禁見，在偵查中最長羈押四個月，乃是基於有合理根據認為這些嫌犯有串供或湮滅證據之虞，這也是於法有據的。然而，鑑於這種起訴前裁處頗為嚴苛，並會妨礙嫌犯為自己做適當辯護，這種裁處應當少做為宜。當然，立法院或上述提議的專家委員會，應該審度當前情況檢討現行法令，衡量貪瀆歪風對民主政府的威脅，以及收押禁見作法對公民自由的威脅，從而在兩者間求取一種新的平衡。或許收押嫌犯的法律標準應該更嚴謹，有關檢察官援引標準的司法複查程序亦然。公民自由如果遭受挑戰，是極為重大的問題，甚至值得向台灣令人肅然起敬的司法院大法官會議聲請釋憲。
檢察官被指刻意向媒體洩露偵查內容，這點似乎是這些批評者最直接的質疑。這種檢察官對外放消息的行為（很遺憾地，很多國家都發生）似乎確實有發生，而這在民主制度中是不能被容許的。馬總統應當嚴令制止這種行為，同時顧及社會對公正與透明程序的要求，讓媒體知悉檢察官的偵查作為。這一議題也應該列入專家委員會的研討議程。（本文作者為法學教授孔傑榮，現任美國紐約大學美國與亞洲法律研究所副所長，並兼任紐約重要智庫「外交關係協會」資深研究員/王嘉源譯）
2008.11.13 中國時報
上星期，中國的海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林對台灣進行歷史性訪問，以簽署四項有益的協議達到最高潮，但也凸顯了一些人權與政治問題。有些問題是關於，在一個自由社會中政府對公眾抗議活動的因應作法是否適切。另有些問題則涉及，檢察官針對涉嫌貪瀆的前任與現任政府領袖的調查是否公正。
近三千年來，中國人一直承認保護外國特使的重要性。在秦朝建立之前，競逐權力的諸侯國互相保證彼此使節的個人安全。這類保護對於國與國進行合作一直是不可或缺的。
在數星期前發生台南警方未能阻止針對中國海協會副會長張銘清的攻擊事件後，馬英九總統的政府有義務在陳雲林訪台時做得更好。儘管警方無法保護陳免於被大批抗議群眾困在台北晶華酒店達八小時之久，他們總算得以在他訪台的緊張一周內讓他免遭人身傷害。
然而，警方這麼做的同時，卻逾越了一個自由社會的界限，包括禁止和平抗議群眾亮出台灣旗幟和西藏旗幟，沒收許多示威者身上的旗幟，還要求一家播放台語歌曲的唱片行拉下鐵門，並盡量避免讓陳雲林等一行訪客知悉這些抗議消息。另外也傳出警方施暴事件，儘管這些事件有時是針對示威群眾的暴力挑釁所做之回應。警方的不當做法甚至激怒了許多支持陳訪台的當地人士。
對於馬總統來說，除了兌現他在競選期間提出的修訂《集會遊行法》承諾，取消舉行抗議活動須事先獲官方核准的規定，另外也應當建議修法禁絕最近出現的這種警方不民主作法，並下令加強訓練，提升警方奉守法律的觀念。
令人鼓舞的是，領導反對黨進行這次大規模示威活動的民進黨主席蔡英文女士，隨後不但呼籲政府檢討警方的不當作法，也要求民進黨檢討自身未能在示威群眾之間維持秩序的缺失。民進黨如果要履行其身為民主反對黨的主要角色，必定不能淪落為一群街頭鬥士。
若干台灣與外國批評者抓住陳訪台的時機，呼籲關注民主政府的另一重大特徵，亦即對涉嫌貪瀆的現任與前任官員公平起訴問題。批評者針對曾擔任政府官員的民進黨要員遭逮捕及收押禁見，提出了三項重大質疑。他們指檢察官是特別針對民進黨辦案，那些發生在國民黨領袖之間的貪瀆行為卻被視而不見。他們並聲稱：大部分民進黨籍嫌犯遭收押禁見時，並無機會讓法庭針對檢方的羈押理由進行檢視；加上檢察署一直向媒體洩露對嫌犯不利的偵查內容，另方面卻不讓這些嫌犯知悉走漏的內容，以及有機會針對這種「透過媒體辦案」作法提出辯駁。他們稱，司法體系應保持政治中立，奉行無罪推定原則，以及其他進行公正與公開審判所需的正當法律程序，這些原則對於民主政治攸關重要，然而檢方的作法卻令人質疑，也使得「戒嚴黑暗時代」（一九四九年至一九八七年）不守正當程序的幽靈再現。
很顯然地，這些批評者所謂的「選擇性起訴」之說並無充分根據。最近這些逮捕事件，可能僅是過去八年掌控行政權的民進黨貪瀆問題猖獗的一種反映罷了，而這一貪瀆的程度據稱直抵前總統陳水扁的家人。說來也奇怪，在陳執政時代，民進黨與國民黨雙方都有人遭起訴，然而儘管監察院調查人員據說彙整了大疊卷宗資料，有些明顯不法的國民黨人士卻被忽略了。馬總統應當任命一個由立場超然專家組成的委員會，負責檢視過去與現在的一些公訴案，以探究這些問題及其他疑雲。
最近遭收押的民進黨要員，倒似乎都未被剝奪庭審或是聘請律師辯護的權利。再者，法庭裁定將他們收押禁見，在偵查中最長羈押四個月，乃是基於有合理根據認為這些嫌犯有串供或湮滅證據之虞，這也是於法有據的。然而，鑑於這種起訴前裁處頗為嚴苛，並會妨礙嫌犯為自己做適當辯護，這種裁處應當少做為宜。當然，立法院或上述提議的專家委員會，應該審度當前情況檢討現行法令，衡量貪瀆歪風對民主政府的威脅，以及收押禁見作法對公民自由的威脅，從而在兩者間求取一種新的平衡。或許收押嫌犯的法律標準應該更嚴謹，有關檢察官援引標準的司法複查程序亦然。公民自由如果遭受挑戰，是極為重大的問題，甚至值得向台灣令人肅然起敬的司法院大法官會議聲請釋憲。
檢察官被指刻意向媒體洩露偵查內容，這點似乎是這些批評者最直接的質疑。這種檢察官對外放消息的行為（很遺憾地，很多國家都發生）似乎確實有發生，而這在民主制度中是不能被容許的。馬總統應當嚴令制止這種行為，同時顧及社會對公正與透明程序的要求，讓媒體知悉檢察官的偵查作為。這一議題也應該列入專家委員會的研討議程。（本文作者為法學教授孔傑榮，現任美國紐約大學美國與亞洲法律研究所副所長，並兼任紐約重要智庫「外交關係協會」資深研究員/王嘉源譯）
[轉載]美國自由之家呼籲臺灣政府成立獨立委員會調查警民衝突
Freedom House Calls for Inquiry into Taiwan Clashes
Washington
November 20, 2008
美國自由之家呼籲臺灣政府成立獨立委員會調查警民衝突
華盛頓
2008年11月20日
Freedom House urges Taiwan's government to create an independent commission to thoroughly investigate clashes between police and activists protesting Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin's historic visit and recommend needed reforms.
自由之家強烈的要求台灣政府成立一個獨立的調查委員會，徹底的調查中國使節陳雲林來台做歷史性訪問的期間所發生警察和抗議陳雲林活動之間的衝突，並建議政府改革。
"A public investigation of the violence—which involved both sides—will send a critical message that the new government of President Ma Ying-jeou is interested in upholding the democratic values of transparency and accountability," said Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House executive director. "The inquiry should examine evidence on both sides and recommend any needed reforms to police practices and the legal framework governing demonstrations."
「一個公開的-針對雙方暴力的偵察-會傳達一個關鍵性的訊息就是，馬英九總統的新政府很關心對於民主價值的透明度與負責任態度的維護」自由之家執行長珍妮佛‧溫莎說道。「這個調查需要檢視雙方的證據，並對於警方的執法和對於示威運動的合法管理方面做出改革建議。」
Hundreds of university students are currently staging a sit-in in Taipei's Freedom Square and several other cities to protest the government's handling of the incident. During Chen’s visit, police reportedly used heavy-handed tactics—including physical assault, arbitrary detention and destruction of property—to prevent Chen from seeing symbols of Taiwanese or Tibetan independence, as well as broader demonstrations against the Chinese regime. Demonstrators also employed violence against police, throwing rocks and petrol bombs outside Chen's hotel on November 6.
數百名的大學生現在正在台北的自由廣場和其他城市，以靜坐的方式來抗議政府 對這些事件的處理方式。在陳雲林來台訪問期間，根據報導警方使用壓制性的手段：包括侵犯人身的攻擊、強制拘留以及損毀物品，來防止陳雲林看見台獨或藏獨的標誌，還有反對中國政權的各種示威抗議。示威者也在11月6日對警方施以暴力，在陳雲林下榻的飯店外面丟擲石頭和汽油彈。
The clashes reveal a need for police to undergo crowd control training that adheres to the standards used in other democracies. Likewise, demonstrators and political advocacy groups must recommit themselves to orderly protests that avoid violence under any circumstances.
這些衝突顯示警方需要接受其他民主國家所使用的標準來做群眾控制訓練。同樣的，示威者和倡導政策的團體們也必須規範他們自己，避免任何情況下的暴力，進行有秩序的抗議活動。
The inquiry commission should examine controversial passages in Taiwan's Assembly and Parade Law, such as restrictions on where people are allowed to demonstrate, and determine whether they need to be liberalized to protect citizens' rights to freedom of expression and assembly. The commission should also investigate claims that police are selectively enforcing the law.
這個調查委員會應該檢視台灣的集會遊行法當中有爭議的段落，像是對於人民示威抗議地點的限制，並且衡量這些法條是否該開放來保護人民自由表達和集會的權利。委員會也應該調查關於警方選擇性的執法的指控。
The visit by Chen, the most senior Chinese official to visit Taiwan since it split from China in 1949, and the recent arrests of several opposition party figures are raising concerns that that President Ma and his Kuomintang Party may rollback democratic freedoms.
這次陳雲林的來訪，是台灣從1949年自中國分離以來，中國訪台官員層級最高的一次，而且近來對於反對黨一些政治人物的逮捕行為，更升高了對於馬總統和他的國民黨走民主自由回頭路的質疑。
"The government must renew its commitment to tolerating robust freedom of assembly and peaceful protest, no matter what the cause," said Windsor.
「這個政府必須重申對於容許集會與和平示威的健全自由承諾，無論示威的起因為何。」溫莎說道。
Taiwan is ranked Free in the 2008 edition of Freedom in the World, Freedom House's survey of political rights and civil liberties, and in the 2008 version of Freedom of the Press.
在2008年版的「世界自由」(Freedom in the World)和2008年版的「新聞報導自由」(Freedom of the Press)中，自由之家對於政治權利和人民自由度的調查，台灣都是被評比為自由。
For more information on Taiwan, visit:
想要知道更多關於台灣的訊息，請參觀：
Freedom in the World 2008: Taiwan
世界自由2008：台灣
Freedom of the Press 2008: Taiwan
新聞報導自由2008：台灣
Freedom House, an independent nongovernmental organization that supports the expansion of freedom in the world, has been monitoring political rights and civil liberties in Taiwan since 1972.
自由之家，一個非官方的獨立機構，致力於世界自由的擴展，從1972年便開始監測著台灣的政治權利和人民自由。
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翻譯出處：貪虎里里長的914狂想
自由之家新聞稿出處
Washington
November 20, 2008
美國自由之家呼籲臺灣政府成立獨立委員會調查警民衝突
華盛頓
2008年11月20日
Freedom House urges Taiwan's government to create an independent commission to thoroughly investigate clashes between police and activists protesting Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin's historic visit and recommend needed reforms.
自由之家強烈的要求台灣政府成立一個獨立的調查委員會，徹底的調查中國使節陳雲林來台做歷史性訪問的期間所發生警察和抗議陳雲林活動之間的衝突，並建議政府改革。
"A public investigation of the violence—which involved both sides—will send a critical message that the new government of President Ma Ying-jeou is interested in upholding the democratic values of transparency and accountability," said Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House executive director. "The inquiry should examine evidence on both sides and recommend any needed reforms to police practices and the legal framework governing demonstrations."
「一個公開的-針對雙方暴力的偵察-會傳達一個關鍵性的訊息就是，馬英九總統的新政府很關心對於民主價值的透明度與負責任態度的維護」自由之家執行長珍妮佛‧溫莎說道。「這個調查需要檢視雙方的證據，並對於警方的執法和對於示威運動的合法管理方面做出改革建議。」
Hundreds of university students are currently staging a sit-in in Taipei's Freedom Square and several other cities to protest the government's handling of the incident. During Chen’s visit, police reportedly used heavy-handed tactics—including physical assault, arbitrary detention and destruction of property—to prevent Chen from seeing symbols of Taiwanese or Tibetan independence, as well as broader demonstrations against the Chinese regime. Demonstrators also employed violence against police, throwing rocks and petrol bombs outside Chen's hotel on November 6.
數百名的大學生現在正在台北的自由廣場和其他城市，以靜坐的方式來抗議政府 對這些事件的處理方式。在陳雲林來台訪問期間，根據報導警方使用壓制性的手段：包括侵犯人身的攻擊、強制拘留以及損毀物品，來防止陳雲林看見台獨或藏獨的標誌，還有反對中國政權的各種示威抗議。示威者也在11月6日對警方施以暴力，在陳雲林下榻的飯店外面丟擲石頭和汽油彈。
The clashes reveal a need for police to undergo crowd control training that adheres to the standards used in other democracies. Likewise, demonstrators and political advocacy groups must recommit themselves to orderly protests that avoid violence under any circumstances.
這些衝突顯示警方需要接受其他民主國家所使用的標準來做群眾控制訓練。同樣的，示威者和倡導政策的團體們也必須規範他們自己，避免任何情況下的暴力，進行有秩序的抗議活動。
The inquiry commission should examine controversial passages in Taiwan's Assembly and Parade Law, such as restrictions on where people are allowed to demonstrate, and determine whether they need to be liberalized to protect citizens' rights to freedom of expression and assembly. The commission should also investigate claims that police are selectively enforcing the law.
這個調查委員會應該檢視台灣的集會遊行法當中有爭議的段落，像是對於人民示威抗議地點的限制，並且衡量這些法條是否該開放來保護人民自由表達和集會的權利。委員會也應該調查關於警方選擇性的執法的指控。
The visit by Chen, the most senior Chinese official to visit Taiwan since it split from China in 1949, and the recent arrests of several opposition party figures are raising concerns that that President Ma and his Kuomintang Party may rollback democratic freedoms.
這次陳雲林的來訪，是台灣從1949年自中國分離以來，中國訪台官員層級最高的一次，而且近來對於反對黨一些政治人物的逮捕行為，更升高了對於馬總統和他的國民黨走民主自由回頭路的質疑。
"The government must renew its commitment to tolerating robust freedom of assembly and peaceful protest, no matter what the cause," said Windsor.
「這個政府必須重申對於容許集會與和平示威的健全自由承諾，無論示威的起因為何。」溫莎說道。
Taiwan is ranked Free in the 2008 edition of Freedom in the World, Freedom House's survey of political rights and civil liberties, and in the 2008 version of Freedom of the Press.
在2008年版的「世界自由」(Freedom in the World)和2008年版的「新聞報導自由」(Freedom of the Press)中，自由之家對於政治權利和人民自由度的調查，台灣都是被評比為自由。
For more information on Taiwan, visit:
想要知道更多關於台灣的訊息，請參觀：
Freedom in the World 2008: Taiwan
世界自由2008：台灣
Freedom of the Press 2008: Taiwan
新聞報導自由2008：台灣
Freedom House, an independent nongovernmental organization that supports the expansion of freedom in the world, has been monitoring political rights and civil liberties in Taiwan since 1972.
自由之家，一個非官方的獨立機構，致力於世界自由的擴展，從1972年便開始監測著台灣的政治權利和人民自由。
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翻譯出處：貪虎里里長的914狂想
自由之家新聞稿出處
[轉載]國際人權聯盟（FIDH）：台灣以國家安全為藉口侵犯人權
致中華民國台灣的馬英九總統與劉兆玄院長閣下，
對於中國使節陳雲林先生訪台時進行和平抗議的公民們所遭到的拘留和攻擊事件，國際人權聯盟（FIDH）在此對您表達我們的深切關注。我們認為這些以國家安全為藉口的拘捕和暴力事件已經嚴重地侵犯了人權。
根據FIDH接到的資訊，從2008年十一月三日開始，台北市被超過七千名的警務人員所盤據。有關當局採取了最激烈的措施，包括：沒收和損毀私人財產，騷擾和攻擊接近未明確定義或根本未曾界定過的禁制區的人民，強行淨空高速公路車道，隨機執行搜索或逮捕的任務以及限縮了人民的人身自由。這些行動在陳先生到訪時以國家安全的名義被執行。
然而，我們擔憂這樣充滿侵略性的行為實際上是一種對於公民言論自由的刻意壓制。配合這樣的暴行，還有其他前所未見的、超過維安應有標準的管制行為存在。例如，公民被限制不得展示或攜帶台灣國旗，禁止呼喊「台灣不是中國的一部分」，禁止攜帶攝影器材，也不得播放任何被有關當局認定為不適宜的音樂。
這些唯安標準似乎是刻意要壓制政治異議而不是保障安全，也因此明目張膽地違背了台灣的憲法，尤其是第十一與十四條有關言論自由與國際人權標準的部份。因此，FIDH請求警政署長與國安局長在憲法與國家立法機關的約束下，對於違反法定權限的行為負起責任。司法院和監察院應該立刻對所有違反人權的指控行使獨立公正的調查，並且讓所有怠忽職守的相關人員負起責任。如此也才符合最近司法院的宣示：「建立一個客觀可靠的審查標準以使民眾對違憲審查有更多的期待與信任，是非常重要的」。依據中華民國憲法第二十四條：「凡公務員違法侵害人民之自由或權利者，除依法律受懲戒外，應負刑事及民事責任。被害人民就其所受損害，並得依法律向國家請求賠償」，違反了法定職權的那些人（尤其是警政署與國安局的人員）必須接受調查並負起責任。
此外，FIDH呼籲台灣政府修正集會遊行法，特別是要廢除強制許可制並改採自願報備制度以及有關特別禁制區的條文，因為後者給予有關當局過多的裁量權來限制人民的集會與言論自由權。並且，有關當局應該廢除該法中關於解散命令與戒嚴時期遺留下來的特別刑法之規定。最後，台灣應該制訂執法人員的行為準則，要求執法人員在執勤時清楚宣告他的身分以確保其合法性與責任義務。
閣下，我們的組織堅定地相信台灣民主化的豐碩成果對於亞洲諸國有著指標性的意義。我們因而要對台灣人權降級的警訊表達嚴正的關切，而且我們也將之視為傷害台灣的民主與人權價值基礎的一個反挫。我仍希望您會仔細考慮上述的事宜。
FIDH會長 Souhayr Belhassen
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Thursday 20 November 2008
Taiwan
Deep concern regarding the detention and attacks against citizens protesting peacefully during the visit of Chinese envoy Mr. CHEN Yunlin
Open letter to
* President Ma Ying-jeou
* Premier Liu Chao-hsuan
* Republic of China – Taiwan
Your Excellencies,
The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) is writing to you to express its deep concern regarding the detention and attacks against citizens protesting peacefully during the visit of Chinese envoy Mr. CHEN Yunlin. FIDH believes that such arrests and violence are grave violations of human rights, under the pretext of national security.
According to the information received, since November 3rd, 2008, the city of Taipei has been heavily occupied by more than 7,000 police officers. The authorities have taken many drastic measures, including: confiscating and damaging private property, harassing and assaulting people who came too close to undefined or vaguely defined areas, clearing communal highway lanes with force, conducting random searches and arrests, and restricting the freedom of movement of citizens. These actions have been taken during Mr. CHEN’s visit, in the name of protecting security.
However, we fear these aggressions in fact aim at suppressing the right to freedom of expression of citizens. To supplement this violence, there are also unprecedented restrictions which clearly overpass the limits of ensuring security. For example, citizens have been restricted from displaying or carrying the national flag of Taiwan, forbidden to declare that “Taiwan is not part of China”, forbidden from carrying filming devices, and restricted from playing any music the authorities consider inappropriate.
These measures seem to be aimed at silencing political opinions rather than protecting security, and thus they blatantly violate the Constitution of Taiwan, notably Articles 11 and 14 which protect freedom of expression and international human rights standards. Consequently, FIDH requests that the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau, bound by the Constitution and the national legislation, should be held responsible for violating their legal obligations. The Judicial Yuan and Control Yuan should immediately conduct independent and impartial investigations into all allegations of human rights violations and hold all personnel in office accountable for neglecting their civil and legal obligations, in line with the Judicial Yuan’s recent statement that “it is very important to form an objective and solid review standard, and make the constitutional reviews more predictable and trust-worthy to people”. Those who perpetrated these violations, particularly in the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau, must be held accountable, in accordance with Article 24 of the Constitution of Taiwan, which stipulates that “Any public employee who, in violation of law, infringes upon the freedom or right of any person shall, in addition to being subject to disciplinary punishment in accordance with law, be liable to criminal and civil action. The victim may, in accordance with law, claim damages from the State for any injury sustained therefrom.”
More generally, FIDH calls upon the government to amend the Parade and Assembly Law, in particular : to abolish the requirement for mandatory permits and adopt the system of voluntary basis and the clause on special area of restriction, which gives too much discretion to the authority to restrict people’s freedom of association and freedom of expression. In addition the authorities should abolish the order to dismiss as well as the provisions on special criminal punishment, which is a legacy of the martial law era. Finally, Taiwan should establish the protocol for law enforcement personnel who should have the obligation to clearly announce his or her identity when on duty, to ensure legitimacy and accountability.
Your Excellencies,
Our Organization firmly believes that the fruit of Taiwan’s remarkable democratization has landmark significance to the Asian continent as a whole. We therefore express our serious concern over the alarming human rights degradation in Taiwan, and we do take it as a signal of a negative trend undermining the values of democracy and human rights on which Taiwan should be based. Hoping that you will take into consideration the above mentioned concerns, I remain,
Yours sincerely,
Souhayr Belhassen
* FIDH President
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
中文翻譯：野草莓學運部落格
原文出處：國際人權聯盟
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
對於中國使節陳雲林先生訪台時進行和平抗議的公民們所遭到的拘留和攻擊事件，國際人權聯盟（FIDH）在此對您表達我們的深切關注。我們認為這些以國家安全為藉口的拘捕和暴力事件已經嚴重地侵犯了人權。
根據FIDH接到的資訊，從2008年十一月三日開始，台北市被超過七千名的警務人員所盤據。有關當局採取了最激烈的措施，包括：沒收和損毀私人財產，騷擾和攻擊接近未明確定義或根本未曾界定過的禁制區的人民，強行淨空高速公路車道，隨機執行搜索或逮捕的任務以及限縮了人民的人身自由。這些行動在陳先生到訪時以國家安全的名義被執行。
然而，我們擔憂這樣充滿侵略性的行為實際上是一種對於公民言論自由的刻意壓制。配合這樣的暴行，還有其他前所未見的、超過維安應有標準的管制行為存在。例如，公民被限制不得展示或攜帶台灣國旗，禁止呼喊「台灣不是中國的一部分」，禁止攜帶攝影器材，也不得播放任何被有關當局認定為不適宜的音樂。
這些唯安標準似乎是刻意要壓制政治異議而不是保障安全，也因此明目張膽地違背了台灣的憲法，尤其是第十一與十四條有關言論自由與國際人權標準的部份。因此，FIDH請求警政署長與國安局長在憲法與國家立法機關的約束下，對於違反法定權限的行為負起責任。司法院和監察院應該立刻對所有違反人權的指控行使獨立公正的調查，並且讓所有怠忽職守的相關人員負起責任。如此也才符合最近司法院的宣示：「建立一個客觀可靠的審查標準以使民眾對違憲審查有更多的期待與信任，是非常重要的」。依據中華民國憲法第二十四條：「凡公務員違法侵害人民之自由或權利者，除依法律受懲戒外，應負刑事及民事責任。被害人民就其所受損害，並得依法律向國家請求賠償」，違反了法定職權的那些人（尤其是警政署與國安局的人員）必須接受調查並負起責任。
此外，FIDH呼籲台灣政府修正集會遊行法，特別是要廢除強制許可制並改採自願報備制度以及有關特別禁制區的條文，因為後者給予有關當局過多的裁量權來限制人民的集會與言論自由權。並且，有關當局應該廢除該法中關於解散命令與戒嚴時期遺留下來的特別刑法之規定。最後，台灣應該制訂執法人員的行為準則，要求執法人員在執勤時清楚宣告他的身分以確保其合法性與責任義務。
閣下，我們的組織堅定地相信台灣民主化的豐碩成果對於亞洲諸國有著指標性的意義。我們因而要對台灣人權降級的警訊表達嚴正的關切，而且我們也將之視為傷害台灣的民主與人權價值基礎的一個反挫。我仍希望您會仔細考慮上述的事宜。
FIDH會長 Souhayr Belhassen
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thursday 20 November 2008
Taiwan
Deep concern regarding the detention and attacks against citizens protesting peacefully during the visit of Chinese envoy Mr. CHEN Yunlin
Open letter to
* President Ma Ying-jeou
* Premier Liu Chao-hsuan
* Republic of China – Taiwan
Your Excellencies,
The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) is writing to you to express its deep concern regarding the detention and attacks against citizens protesting peacefully during the visit of Chinese envoy Mr. CHEN Yunlin. FIDH believes that such arrests and violence are grave violations of human rights, under the pretext of national security.
According to the information received, since November 3rd, 2008, the city of Taipei has been heavily occupied by more than 7,000 police officers. The authorities have taken many drastic measures, including: confiscating and damaging private property, harassing and assaulting people who came too close to undefined or vaguely defined areas, clearing communal highway lanes with force, conducting random searches and arrests, and restricting the freedom of movement of citizens. These actions have been taken during Mr. CHEN’s visit, in the name of protecting security.
However, we fear these aggressions in fact aim at suppressing the right to freedom of expression of citizens. To supplement this violence, there are also unprecedented restrictions which clearly overpass the limits of ensuring security. For example, citizens have been restricted from displaying or carrying the national flag of Taiwan, forbidden to declare that “Taiwan is not part of China”, forbidden from carrying filming devices, and restricted from playing any music the authorities consider inappropriate.
These measures seem to be aimed at silencing political opinions rather than protecting security, and thus they blatantly violate the Constitution of Taiwan, notably Articles 11 and 14 which protect freedom of expression and international human rights standards. Consequently, FIDH requests that the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau, bound by the Constitution and the national legislation, should be held responsible for violating their legal obligations. The Judicial Yuan and Control Yuan should immediately conduct independent and impartial investigations into all allegations of human rights violations and hold all personnel in office accountable for neglecting their civil and legal obligations, in line with the Judicial Yuan’s recent statement that “it is very important to form an objective and solid review standard, and make the constitutional reviews more predictable and trust-worthy to people”. Those who perpetrated these violations, particularly in the National Police Agency and National Security Bureau, must be held accountable, in accordance with Article 24 of the Constitution of Taiwan, which stipulates that “Any public employee who, in violation of law, infringes upon the freedom or right of any person shall, in addition to being subject to disciplinary punishment in accordance with law, be liable to criminal and civil action. The victim may, in accordance with law, claim damages from the State for any injury sustained therefrom.”
More generally, FIDH calls upon the government to amend the Parade and Assembly Law, in particular : to abolish the requirement for mandatory permits and adopt the system of voluntary basis and the clause on special area of restriction, which gives too much discretion to the authority to restrict people’s freedom of association and freedom of expression. In addition the authorities should abolish the order to dismiss as well as the provisions on special criminal punishment, which is a legacy of the martial law era. Finally, Taiwan should establish the protocol for law enforcement personnel who should have the obligation to clearly announce his or her identity when on duty, to ensure legitimacy and accountability.
Your Excellencies,
Our Organization firmly believes that the fruit of Taiwan’s remarkable democratization has landmark significance to the Asian continent as a whole. We therefore express our serious concern over the alarming human rights degradation in Taiwan, and we do take it as a signal of a negative trend undermining the values of democracy and human rights on which Taiwan should be based. Hoping that you will take into consideration the above mentioned concerns, I remain,
Yours sincerely,
Souhayr Belhassen
* FIDH President
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
中文翻譯：野草莓學運部落格
原文出處：國際人權聯盟
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[轉載]國際特赦組織：台灣警方應避免濫用暴力
文章出處：國際特赦組織台灣總會http://www.amnesty.tw/?p=597
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
在野草莓學運12月7日大遊行前夕，國際特赦組織敦促台灣警方不得濫用暴力，並呼籲監察院調查陳雲林來台期間警方執法問題。
國際特赦組織公開聲明
台灣：警察應避免過度使用暴力
AI Index: ASA 38/001/2008
2008年12月3日
國際特赦組織(AI)已敦促台灣警方，在處理將於12月7日(星期日)舉行的學生抗議活動時，相關警力運用和群眾管制應遵守國際標準。
本組織同時呼籲台灣的監察院，本於憲法所賦予的監督行政機關之職責，針對警方在處理11月間各項抗議活動時涉及過度使用暴力的報導，展開獨立調查。
「野草莓學生運動」從11月6日起發動靜坐抗議迄今，因為他們認為警方在處理中國海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林訪台期間的群眾抗議活動中過度使用暴力。台灣的公民社會團體正針對民眾在抗議過程中遭警察打傷頭部和折斷手指等事件進行調查。
根據警方11月8日發表的一項報告，陳雲林訪台期間動員了近1萬7千人次的警力；共計149位警員與200到300位民眾受傷；18人被逮捕。
據台灣的公民社會團體表示，警方經常濫用〈集會遊行法〉壓制與政府不同的意見。學生運動發言人說，他們將不會依照現行法律向警方申請遊行許可，但會根據學生所主張的修法原則向警方「報備」。
野草莓學運正在組織12月7日的抗議行動，以抗議政府遲不修改〈集會遊行法〉。
國際特赦組織表示，台灣的監察院應正視由台灣公民社會團體所提出的嚴重關切，而政府則應停止利用集遊法箝制人民的集會自由，並應允許人民以和平方式從事抗議行動。國際特赦組織也呼籲台灣警方及司法機關，應確保在調查任何被控暴力行為的抗議者時，以符合國際標準之公正、透明及適時的方式為之。
背景
2008年11月3日至7日，中國海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林率領一個60人代表團訪問台灣，並會見馬英九總統。
警方在陳雲林行經路線沿途阻擋持有台灣和西藏國旗或反中國標語的抗議群眾，並沒收或毀損某些前述物品。在陳雲林與國民黨榮譽主席連戰舉行晚宴的飯店附近，警方還強制一家高聲播放「台灣之歌」專輯歌曲的唱片行關掉音樂並拉下鐵門。
還有其他警方任意拘留和濫用暴力的報導，但根據警方的說法，警方的某些強勢作為是為壓制抗議群眾的暴力行為。
陳雲林訪台後，數百位學生在全台各地發起了靜坐活動，抗議警察處理抗議活動的方式，並要求修改一直以來被誤用於防止抗議的集會遊行法。
11月6日，學生們開始在行政院外靜坐，後來被警方以非法集會為由抬離現場。他們隨即轉往台灣民主紀念館（自由廣場）繼續靜坐，公民社會團體則發起每日例行的靜走行動，共同要求立即修改集會遊行法、總統及行政院長道歉、警政署長及國安局長下台。
台北市警察局於11月18日公佈66位涉嫌向警察投擲汽油彈和石塊以及向台中市長吐口水的「滋事者」名單。也有報導指稱，警方向媒體記者及主管施壓，要求他們提供錄影畫面，以供警方辨識涉嫌參與暴力行為的抗議人士。〔新聞稿全文完〕
===========================================
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT
Taiwan: Police should avoid using excessive force at upcoming protests
AI Index: ASA 38/001/2008
3 December 2008
Amnesty International has urged Taiwan’s police force to comply with
international guidelines on the use of force and crowd control at the
planned student protests on Sunday 7 December.
The organization also joins calls for the Control Yuan, the body
mandated by the Taiwan Constitution with supervisory power over the
Executive branch, to conduct an independent inquiry into alleged
excessive police force during November’s protests.
The Wild Strawberry Student Movement has staged sit-ins since 6
November to protest against what they consider the use of excessive
force during the Taiwan visit of Chen Yunlin, chairman of the
China-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait. Civil
society groups in Taiwan are investigating multiple claims that
individuals suffered head injuries and broken fingers at the hands of
police during the protests.
According to police reports on 8 November, approximately 10,000 police
officers had been deployed during Chen’s visit; 149 police officers
and 200-300 individuals were injured; 18 were arrested.
Taiwanese civil society groups claim that police have applied the
Assembly and Parade Law arbitrarily to silence dissent. According to
the students’ spokesperson, they will not seek police approval, as
required by the law, but will only “report” their plans to law
enforcement authorities, in line with amendments advocated by the
Movement.
The Movement is organizing the protest on Sunday 7 December to
criticize the government’s failure to amend the Assembly and Parade
Law.
Amnesty International said Taiwan’s Control Yuan should address the
serious concerns raised by civil society in Taiwan and the government
should cease the practice of using the Assembly and Parade Law to deny
freedom of assembly and allow individuals to protest peacefully.
Amnesty International also called on Taiwanese police and judicial
authorities to ensure that they investigate any protesters accused of
engaging in violence in a fair, transparent, and timely manner in
compliance with international standards.
Background
On 3-7 November 2008, Chen Yunlin, chairman of the Association for
Relations Across the Taiwan Straits, led a 60-member delegation from
the People’s Republic of China to visit Taiwan and meet with President
Ma Ying-jeou.
The police barred protesters displaying Taiwanese and Tibetan flags
and anti-China slogans along the routes taken by the envoy and
confiscated or damaged some of these items. The police also closed a
shop near the hotel where Chen Yunlin had dinner with Kuomintang
honorary chairman Lien Chan when the shop loudly broadcast music from
an album titled ‘Songs of Taiwan’.
There were additional reports of arbitrary detention and police
brutality, some of which, according to the police, were in response to
the violence of protesters.
Following the visit, hundreds of students have staged sit-ins across
Taiwan protesting the police’s handling of the protests and demanding
amendments to the Assembly and Parade Law, which has been misused to
prevent protests.
On 6 November the students started their sit-ins outside the offices
of the Executive Yuan, where they were eventually removed by police on
the grounds of illegal assembly. They continued the sit-ins at the
National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall and organized a daily
demonstration calling for immediate amendments to the Assembly and
Parade Law, apologies from the president and head of government and
the resignations of the heads of the police and national security.
On 18 November Taipei police announced a list of 66 “troublemakers”,
who had allegedly thrown gas bombs and stones at the police and spat
at the Taichung mayor. There were also reports that the police had
pressured journalists and their supervisors to hand over video tapes
to identify suspects who allegedly took part in the violence.
END/
Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International’s press office
in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London
WC1X 0DW, UK
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
在野草莓學運12月7日大遊行前夕，國際特赦組織敦促台灣警方不得濫用暴力，並呼籲監察院調查陳雲林來台期間警方執法問題。
國際特赦組織公開聲明
台灣：警察應避免過度使用暴力
AI Index: ASA 38/001/2008
2008年12月3日
國際特赦組織(AI)已敦促台灣警方，在處理將於12月7日(星期日)舉行的學生抗議活動時，相關警力運用和群眾管制應遵守國際標準。
本組織同時呼籲台灣的監察院，本於憲法所賦予的監督行政機關之職責，針對警方在處理11月間各項抗議活動時涉及過度使用暴力的報導，展開獨立調查。
「野草莓學生運動」從11月6日起發動靜坐抗議迄今，因為他們認為警方在處理中國海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林訪台期間的群眾抗議活動中過度使用暴力。台灣的公民社會團體正針對民眾在抗議過程中遭警察打傷頭部和折斷手指等事件進行調查。
根據警方11月8日發表的一項報告，陳雲林訪台期間動員了近1萬7千人次的警力；共計149位警員與200到300位民眾受傷；18人被逮捕。
據台灣的公民社會團體表示，警方經常濫用〈集會遊行法〉壓制與政府不同的意見。學生運動發言人說，他們將不會依照現行法律向警方申請遊行許可，但會根據學生所主張的修法原則向警方「報備」。
野草莓學運正在組織12月7日的抗議行動，以抗議政府遲不修改〈集會遊行法〉。
國際特赦組織表示，台灣的監察院應正視由台灣公民社會團體所提出的嚴重關切，而政府則應停止利用集遊法箝制人民的集會自由，並應允許人民以和平方式從事抗議行動。國際特赦組織也呼籲台灣警方及司法機關，應確保在調查任何被控暴力行為的抗議者時，以符合國際標準之公正、透明及適時的方式為之。
背景
2008年11月3日至7日，中國海峽兩岸關係協會會長陳雲林率領一個60人代表團訪問台灣，並會見馬英九總統。
警方在陳雲林行經路線沿途阻擋持有台灣和西藏國旗或反中國標語的抗議群眾，並沒收或毀損某些前述物品。在陳雲林與國民黨榮譽主席連戰舉行晚宴的飯店附近，警方還強制一家高聲播放「台灣之歌」專輯歌曲的唱片行關掉音樂並拉下鐵門。
還有其他警方任意拘留和濫用暴力的報導，但根據警方的說法，警方的某些強勢作為是為壓制抗議群眾的暴力行為。
陳雲林訪台後，數百位學生在全台各地發起了靜坐活動，抗議警察處理抗議活動的方式，並要求修改一直以來被誤用於防止抗議的集會遊行法。
11月6日，學生們開始在行政院外靜坐，後來被警方以非法集會為由抬離現場。他們隨即轉往台灣民主紀念館（自由廣場）繼續靜坐，公民社會團體則發起每日例行的靜走行動，共同要求立即修改集會遊行法、總統及行政院長道歉、警政署長及國安局長下台。
台北市警察局於11月18日公佈66位涉嫌向警察投擲汽油彈和石塊以及向台中市長吐口水的「滋事者」名單。也有報導指稱，警方向媒體記者及主管施壓，要求他們提供錄影畫面，以供警方辨識涉嫌參與暴力行為的抗議人士。〔新聞稿全文完〕
===========================================
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT
Taiwan: Police should avoid using excessive force at upcoming protests
AI Index: ASA 38/001/2008
3 December 2008
Amnesty International has urged Taiwan’s police force to comply with
international guidelines on the use of force and crowd control at the
planned student protests on Sunday 7 December.
The organization also joins calls for the Control Yuan, the body
mandated by the Taiwan Constitution with supervisory power over the
Executive branch, to conduct an independent inquiry into alleged
excessive police force during November’s protests.
The Wild Strawberry Student Movement has staged sit-ins since 6
November to protest against what they consider the use of excessive
force during the Taiwan visit of Chen Yunlin, chairman of the
China-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait. Civil
society groups in Taiwan are investigating multiple claims that
individuals suffered head injuries and broken fingers at the hands of
police during the protests.
According to police reports on 8 November, approximately 10,000 police
officers had been deployed during Chen’s visit; 149 police officers
and 200-300 individuals were injured; 18 were arrested.
Taiwanese civil society groups claim that police have applied the
Assembly and Parade Law arbitrarily to silence dissent. According to
the students’ spokesperson, they will not seek police approval, as
required by the law, but will only “report” their plans to law
enforcement authorities, in line with amendments advocated by the
Movement.
The Movement is organizing the protest on Sunday 7 December to
criticize the government’s failure to amend the Assembly and Parade
Law.
Amnesty International said Taiwan’s Control Yuan should address the
serious concerns raised by civil society in Taiwan and the government
should cease the practice of using the Assembly and Parade Law to deny
freedom of assembly and allow individuals to protest peacefully.
Amnesty International also called on Taiwanese police and judicial
authorities to ensure that they investigate any protesters accused of
engaging in violence in a fair, transparent, and timely manner in
compliance with international standards.
Background
On 3-7 November 2008, Chen Yunlin, chairman of the Association for
Relations Across the Taiwan Straits, led a 60-member delegation from
the People’s Republic of China to visit Taiwan and meet with President
Ma Ying-jeou.
The police barred protesters displaying Taiwanese and Tibetan flags
and anti-China slogans along the routes taken by the envoy and
confiscated or damaged some of these items. The police also closed a
shop near the hotel where Chen Yunlin had dinner with Kuomintang
honorary chairman Lien Chan when the shop loudly broadcast music from
an album titled ‘Songs of Taiwan’.
There were additional reports of arbitrary detention and police
brutality, some of which, according to the police, were in response to
the violence of protesters.
Following the visit, hundreds of students have staged sit-ins across
Taiwan protesting the police’s handling of the protests and demanding
amendments to the Assembly and Parade Law, which has been misused to
prevent protests.
On 6 November the students started their sit-ins outside the offices
of the Executive Yuan, where they were eventually removed by police on
the grounds of illegal assembly. They continued the sit-ins at the
National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall and organized a daily
demonstration calling for immediate amendments to the Assembly and
Parade Law, apologies from the president and head of government and
the resignations of the heads of the police and national security.
On 18 November Taipei police announced a list of 66 “troublemakers”,
who had allegedly thrown gas bombs and stones at the police and spat
at the Taichung mayor. There were also reports that the police had
pressured journalists and their supervisors to hand over video tapes
to identify suspects who allegedly took part in the violence.
END/
Public Document
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For more information please call Amnesty International’s press office
in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London
WC1X 0DW, UK
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